Dialogues of the Buddha (Digha Nikaya)

bw^^h^b* j^eib^^^v nnr«n^ 4K — almanac 4* PUBLISHED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF HIS MAJESTY CHULALANKARANA, KING OF SIAM First Edition 1899 Rcfrriutcd 1923 Note on the probable age of the Dialogues . . ix Note on this Version . . . xx Text . . . . - . r (The Silas, 3-26.)-, • *•■ / (Index to the paragraphs repeated in the other Suttantas, 57-59.) Text ......... 65 3. Ambattha Suttanta. Introduction. (Caste) Text Introduction . . . . . . 137 (The Arahat the true Brahman.) Text . . . . . . . . 144 Introduction . . . . . . . 1 00 (The irony in this text, 160; Doctrine of sacrifice, 164; Lokayata, 166.) Text . . . . . . . 175 Vlll DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA. Introduction . . . . . . . .186 (The Indeterminates ; Buddhist Agnosticism, 186; The Sambodhi, 190; Names in the texts, 193.) 7. c7aliya Suttanta 205 (Method of the Dialogues, 206 ; Tapasa and Bhikshu, ascetic and wandering mendicant, 208 ; Indian religieux in the Buddha's time, 220.) Text . ........ 223 Introduction. (The Soul) 241 I Text . . ... .244 Introduction ...... • 2(ft

Introduction . . . . . . .272 (Iddhi, 272; Buddhist Idealism, 274.) Text . . . . .27(1 Introduction. (Ethics of Teaching) . . 285 * Introduction. (Union with God) . . 2<>S \ Index ok Subjects and Proper Names. ... 321 Index ok Pali Words ........ 32N Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the Buddhists . . . 331 The Dialogues of the Buddha, constituting, in the Pali text, the Digha and Mag^ima Nikayas, contain a full exposition of what the early Buddhists considered the teaching of the Buddha to have been. Incidentally they contain a large number of references to the social, political, and religious condition of India at the time when they were put together. We do not know for certain what that time exactly was. But every day is adding to the number of facts on which an approximate estimate of the date may be based. And the ascertained facts are already sufficient to give us a fair working hypothesis. In the first place the numerous details and comparative tables given in the Introduction to my translation of the Milinda show without a doubt that practically the whole of the Pali Pifokas were known, / and regarded as final authority, at the time and place when that work was composed. The geographical details given on pp. xliii, xliv tend to show that the work was composed in the extreme North- West of India. There are two Chinese works, translations of Indian books taken to China from the North of India, which contain, in different recensions, the intro-

duction and the opening chapters of the Milinda1. For the reasuns adduced {loco citato) it is evident that the work must have been composed at or about the time of the Christian era. Whether (as M. Sylvain Levy thinks) it is an enlarged work built up on the foundation of the Indian original of the Chinese books ; or whether (as I am inclined to think) that original is derived from our Milinda, there is still one conclusion that must be drawn — the Nikayas, nearly if not quite as we now have them in the Pali, were known at a very early date in the North of India. Then again, the Katha Vatthu (according to the views prevalent, at the end of the fourth century a.d., at Kawiipura in South India, and at Anuradhapura in Ceylon; and recorded, therefore, in their commentaries, by Dhammapala and Buddhaghosa) was composed, in the form in which we now have it, by Tissa, the son of Moggali, in the middle of the third century B.C., at the court of Asoka, at Pa/aliputta, the modern Patna, in the North of India. It is a recognised rule of evidence in the courts of law that, if an entry be found in the books kept by a man in the ordinary course of his trade, which entry speaks against himself, then that entry is especially worthy of credence. Now at the time when they made this entry about Tissa's authorship of the Katha Vatthu the commentators believed, and it was an accepted tenet of those among whom they mixed — just as it was, mutatis mutandis, among the theologians in Europe, at the corresponding date in the history of their faith — that the whole of the canon was the word of the Buddha. They also held that it had been actually recited, at the Council of Ra^agaha, immediately after his decease. It is, I venture to submit, absolutely impossible, under these circumstances, that the commentators can have invented this information

1 See the authors quoted in the Introduction to vol. ii .of my translation. Professor Takaku-ui, in an article in the J. R. A. S. for i 896, has added important details. about Tissa and the Katha Vatthu. They found it in the records on which their works are based. They dared not alter it. The best they could do was to try to explain it away. And this they did by a story, evidently legendary, attributing the first scheming out of the book to the Buddha. But they felt compelled to hand on, as they found it, the record of Tissa's authorship. And this deserves, on the ground that it is evidence against themselves, to have great weight attached to it. The text of the Katha Vatthu now lies before us in a scholarly edition, prepared for the Pali Text Society by Mr. Arnold C. Taylor. It purports to be a refutation by Tissa of 250 erroneous opinions held by Buddhists belonging to schools of thought different from his own. We have, from other sources, a considerable number of data as regards the different schools of thought among Buddhists — often erroneously called ' the Eighteen Sects V We are beginning to know something about the historical development of Buddhism, and to be familiar with what sort of questions are likely to have arisen. We are beginning to know something of the growth of the language, of the different Pali styles. In all these respects the Katha Vatthu fits in with what we should expect as possible, and probable, in the time of Asoka, and in the North of India.

Now the discussions as carried on in the Katha Vatthu are for the most part, and on both sides, an appeal to authority. And to what authority ? Without any exception as yet discovered, to the Pi/akas, and as we now have them, in Pali. Thus on p. 339 the appeal is to the passage translated below, on p. 278, § 6 ; and it is quite evident that the quotation is from our Suttanta, and not from any other passage where 1 They are not 'sects' at all, in the modern European sense of the word. Some of the more important of these data are collected in two articles by the present writer in the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' for 1891 and 1892. the same words might occur, as the very name of the Suttanta, the Kevaddha (with a difference of reading found also in our MSS.), is given. The following are other instances of quotations : — p. 344 = A. II, 50. 347 = Kh. P. VII, 6,7. 351 =Kh. P. VIII, 9. 369 = M. I, 85, 92, &c. p. 505 = M. I, 490. 506 = M. I, 485 = S. IV. 393 (nearly).

5i3 = A. I, 197. 525 = Dhp. 164. 549 = S. N. 227 = Kh. P. VI, 6. 554 = Vim. V. XXXIV, 588, 9= P. P. pp. 71, 72. 591 =M. I, 169. 597, 8 = A. I, 141, 2. 602 = Dh. C. P. Sutta, There are many more quotations from the older Pi/aka books in the Katha Vatthu, about three or four times as many as are contained in this list. But this is enough to show that, at the time when the KatJid Vatthu was composed, all the Five Nikayas we?e extant ; and were considered to be final authorities in any question that was being discussed. They must themselves, therefore, be considerably older. Thirdly, Hofrath Biihler and Dr. Hultsch have called attention x to the fact that in inscriptions of the third century b. c. we find, as descriptions of donors to the dagabas, the expressions dhammakathika, pe/aki, suttantika, suttantakini, and pa#/£a-neka- ' Epigr. Ind.,' II, 93, and ' Z. D. M. G.,' xl, p. 58 yika. The Dnamma, the Pi/akas, the Suttantas, and the five Nikayas must have existed for some time before the brethren and sisters could be described as preachers of the Dhamma, as reciters of the Pi/aka, and as guardians of the Suttantas or of the Nikayas (which were not yet written, and were only kept alive in the memory of living men and women).

Simple as they seem, the exact force of these technical designations is not, as yet, determined. Dr. K. Neumann thinks that Pe/aki does not mean ' knowing the Pi/akas,' but ' knowing the Pi/aka,' that is, the Nikayas — a single Pi/aka, in the sense of the Dhamma, having been known before the expression 'the Pi/akas' came into use1. As he points out, the title of the old work Pe/akopadesa, which is an exposition, not of the three Pi/akas, but only of the Nikayas, supports his view. So again the Dialogues are the only parts or passages of the canonical books called, in our MSS., suttantas. Was then a suttantika one who knew precisely the Dialogues by heart ? This was no doubt the earliest use of the term. But it should be recollected that the Katha Vatthu, of about the same date, uses the word suttanta also for passages from other parts of the scriptures. However this may be, the terms are conclusive proof of the existence, some considerable time before the date of the inscriptions, of a Buddhist literature called either a Pitaka or the Pitakas, containing Suttantas, and divided into Five Nikayas. Fourthly, on Asoka's Bhabra Edict he recommends to the communities of the brethren and sisters of the Order, and to the lay disciples of either sex, frequently to hear and to meditate upon seven selected passages. These are as follows : —

2. Ariya-vasani from the Digha (Sa?;zgiti Suttanta). 3. Anagata-bhayani from the Ahguttaralll, 105-108. 4. Muni-gatha from the Sutta Nipata 206-220. Reden des Gotamo,' pp. x, xi. 5. Moneyya Sutta from the Iti Vuttaka 67 = A. I, 272. 7. Rahulovada = Rahulovada Suttanta (M. I, 414420). Of these passages Nos. 1 and 6 have not yet been satisfactorily identified. The others may be regarded as certain, for the reasons I have set out elsewhere K No. 2 also occurs in the tenth book of the Ahguttara. It is clear that in Asoka's time there was acknowledged to be an authoritative literature, probably a collection of books, containing what was then believed to be the words of the Buddha : and that it comprised passages already known by the titles given in his Edict. Five out of the seven having been found in the published portions of what we now call the Pi/akas, and in the portion of them called the Five Nikayas, raises the presumption that when the now unpublished portions are printed the other two will also, probably, be identified. We have no evidence that any other Buddhist literature was in existence at that date. What is perhaps still more important is the point to which M. Senart2 has called attention, and supported by numerous details : — the very clear analogy between the general tone and the principal points of the moral teaching, on the one hand of the Asoka edicts as a whole, and on the other of the Dhammapada, an anthology of edifying verses taken, in great part, from the Five Nikayas. The particular verses selected by M. Senart, as being especially characteristic of Asoka's ideas, include extracts from each of the Five.

Fifthly, the four great Nikayas contain a number of stock passages, which are constantly recurring, and in which some ethical state is set out or described. Many of these are also found in the prose passages 1 'Journal of the Pali Text Society,' 1896; 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,' 1898, p. 639. Compare ' Milinda' (S. B. E., vol. xxxv), pp. xxxvii foil. 2 ' Inscriptions de Piyadasi,' II, 314-322. of the various books collected together in the Fifth, the Khuddaka Nikaya. A number of them are found in each of the thirteen Suttantas translated in this volume. There is great probability that such passages already existed, as ethical sayings or teachings, not only before the Nikayas were put together, but even before the Suttantas were put together. There are also entire episodes, containing not only ethical teaching, but names of persons and places and accounts of events, which are found, in identical terms, at two or more places. These should be distinguished from the last. But they are also probably older than our existing texts. Most of the parallel passages, found in both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts, come under one or other of these two divisions. Sixthly, the Sawyutta Nikaya (III, 13) quotes one Suttanta in the Dialogues by name ; and both the Saawyutta and the Anguttara Nikayas quote, by name and chapter, certain poems now found only in a particular chapter of the Sutta Nipata. This Suttanta, and these poems, must therefore be older, and older, in their present arrangement, than the final settlement of the text of these two Nikayas.

Seventhly, several of the Dialogues purport to relate conversations that took place between people, cotemporaries with the Buddha, but after the Buddha s death. One Sutta in the Anguttara is based on the death of the wife of Muuda, king of Magadha, who began to reign about forty years after the death of the Buddha. There is no reason at all to suspect an interpolation. It follows that, not only the Sutta itself, but the date of the compilation of the Anguttara, must be subsequent to that event. There is a story in Peta Vatthu IV, 3, 1 about a King Pingalaka. Dhammapala, in his commentary, informs us that this king, of whom nothing is otherwise known, lived two hundred years after the Buddha. It follows that this poem, and also the Peta Vatthu in which it is found, and also the Vimana Vatthu, with which the Peta Vatthu really forms one whole work, are later than the date of Pingalaka. And there is no reason to believe that the commentator's date, although it is evidently only a round number, is very far wrong. These books are evidently, from their contents, the very latest compositions in all the Five Nikayas.

There is also included among the Thera Gatha, another book in the Fifth Nikaya, verses said, by Dhammapala the commentator l, to have been com* posed by a thera of the time of King Bindusara, the father of Asoka, and to have been added to the collection at the time of Asoka's Council. Eighthly, several Sanskrit Buddhist texts have now been made accessible to scholars. We know the real titles, given in the MSS. themselves, of nearly 200 more 2. And the catalogues in which the names occur give us a considerable amount of detailed information as to their contents. No one of them is a translation, or even a recension, of any one of the twenty-seven canonical books. They are independent works ; and seem to bear to the canonical books a relation similar, in many respects, to that borne by the works of the" Christian Fathers to the Bible. But though they do not reproduce any complete texts, they contain numerous verses, some whole poems, numerous sentences in prose, and some complete episodes, found in the Pali books. And about half a dozen instances have been already found in which such passages are stated, or inferred, to be from older texts, and are quoted as authorities. Most fortunately we may hope, owing to the enlightened liberality of the Academy of St. Petersburg, and the zeal and scholarship of Professor d'Oldenbourg and his co-workers, to have a considerable number of Buddhist Sanskrit Texts in the near future. And this is just what, in the present state of our knowledge of the history of Buddhist writings, is so great a desideratum.

1 Quoted by Prof. Oldenberg at p. 46 of his edition. • Miss C. Hughes is preparing a complete alphabetical list of all these works for the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,' 1899. It is possible to construct, in accordance with these facts, a working hypothesis as to the history of the literature. It is also possible to object that the evidence drawn from the Milinda may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work, excepting only the elaborate and stately introduction and a few of the opening chapters, is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. So the evidence drawn from the Katha Vatthu may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. The evidence drawn from the inscriptions may be put aside on the ground that they do not explicitly state that the Suttantas and Nikayas to which they refer, and the passages they mention, are the same as those we now have. And the fact that the commentators point out, as peculiar, that certain passages are nearly as late, and one whole book quite as late, as Asoka, is no proof that the rest are older. It may even be maintained that the Pali Pi/akas are not therefore Indian books at all : that they are all Ceylon forgeries, and should be rightly called ' the Southern Recension ' or ' the Sinhalese Canon.'

Each of these propositions, taken by itself, has the appearance of careful scruple. And a healthy and reasonable scepticism is a valuable aid to historical criticism. But can that be said of a scepticism that involves belief in things far more incredible than those it rejects ? In one breath we are reminded of the scholastic dulness, the sectarian narrowness, the literary incapacity, even the senile imbecility of the Ceylon Buddhists. In the next we are asked to accept propositions implying that they were capable of forging extensive documents so well, with such historical accuracy, with so delicate a discrimination between ideas current among themselves and those held centuries before, with so great a literary skill in expressing the ancient views, that not only did II. b they deceive their contemporaries and opponents, but European scholars have not been able to point out a single discrepancy in their work1. It is not unreasonable to hesitate in adopting a scepticism which involves belief in so unique, and therefore so incredible, a performance. The hesitation will seem the more reasonable if we consider that to accept this literature for what it purports to be — that is, as North Indian2, and for the most part pre-Asokan — not only involves no such absurdity, but is really just what one would a priori expect, just what the history of similar literatures elsewhere would lead one to suppose likely.

The Buddha, like other Indian teachers of his time, taught by conversation. A highly educated man (according to the education current at the time), speaking constantly to men of similar education, he followed the literary habit of his time by embodying his doctrines in set phrases, sutras, on which he enlarged on different occasions in different ways. In the absence of books — for though writing was widely known, the lack of writing materials made any lengthy written books impossible3 — such sutras were the recognised form of preserving and communicating opinion. These particular ones were not in Sanskrit, but in the ordinary conversational idiom of the day, that is to say, in a sort of Pali. 1 As is well known, the single instance of such a discrepancy, which Prof. Minayeff made so much of, is a mare's nest. The blunder is on the part of the European professor, not of the Ceylon pa/^its. No critical scholar will accept the proposition that because the commentary on the Katha Vatthu mentions the Vetulyaka, therefore the Kathd Valthu itself must be later than the rise of that school. 2 North Indian, that is. from the modern European point of view. In the books themselves the reference is to the Middle Country (Ma^Aima Desa). To them the country to the south of the Vindhyas simply did not come into the calculation. How suggestive this is as to the real place of origin of these documents !

3 Very probably memoranda were used. But the earliest records of any extent were the Asoka Edicts, and they had to be written on stone. When the Buddha died these sayings were collected together by his disciples into the Four Great Nikayas. They cannot have reached their final form till about fifty years afterwards. Other sayings and verses, most of them ascribed not to the Buddha himself, but to the disciples, were put into a supplementary Nikaya. We know of slight additions made to this Nikaya as late as the time of Asoka. And the developed doctrine found in certain short books in it*— notably in the Buddhavawsa and Kariya Pi/aka and in the Peta- and Vimana-Vatthus — show that these are later than the four old Nikayas. For a generation or two the books as originally put together were handed down by memory. And they were doubtless accompanied from the first, as they were being taught, by a running commentary. About 100 years after the Buddha's death there was a schism in the community. Each of the two schools kept an arrangement of the canon — still in Pali (or possibly some allied dialect). Sanskrit was not used for any Buddhist works till long afterwards, and'-never used at all, so far as we know, for the canonical books. Each of these two schools broke up, in the following centuries, into others ; and several of them had their different arrangements of the canonical books, differing also no doilbt in minor details. Even as late as the first century after the Christian Era, at the Council of Kanishka, these books, among many others then extant, remained the only authorities1. But they all, except only our present Pali Nikayas, have been lost in India. Of the stock passages of ethical statement, and of early episodes, used in the composition of them, and of the Suttas now extant, numerous fragments have been preserved in the Hinayana Sanskrit texts. And some of the Suttas, and of the separate books, as used in other schools, are represented in Chinese translations of the fourth and

1 On the often repeated error that a Sanskrit canon was established at Kanishka's Council, see my ' Milinda,' vol. ii, pp. xv, xvi. fifth centuries a.d. A careful and detailed comparison of these remains with the Pali Nikayas, after the method adopted in Windisch's ' Mara und Buddha,' cannot fail to throw much light on the history, and on the method of composition, of the canonical books, which in style and method, in language and contents and tone, bear all the marks of so considerable an antiquity. Hofrath Dr. Btihler, in the last work he published, expressed the opinion that these books, as we have them in the Pali, are good evidence, certainly for the fifth, probably for the sixth, century B.C. Subject to what has been said above, that will probably become, more and more, the accepted opinion. And it is this which gives to all they tell us, either directly or by implication, of the social, political, and religious life of India, so great a value1. It is necessary, in spite of the limitations of our space, to add a few words on the method followed in this version. We talk of Pali books. They are not books in the modern sense. They are memorial sentences intended to be learnt by heart ; and the whole style, and method of arrangement, is entirely subordinated to this primary necessity. The leading ideas in any one of our Suttantas, for instance, are expressed in short phrases not intended to convey to a European reader the argument underlying them. These are often repeated with slight variations. But neither the repetitions nor the variations — introduced and necessarily introduced, as aids to memory — help the modern reader very much. That of course was not their object. For the object they were intended

1 No reference has been made, in these slight and imperfect remarks, to the history of 'the Vinaya. There is nothing to add, on that point, to the able and lucid exposition of Prof. Oldenberg in the Introduction to his edition of the text. to serve they are singularly well chosen, and aptly introduced. Other expedients were adopted with a similar aim. Ideas were formulated, not in logically co-ordinated sentences, but in numbered groups ; and lists were drawn up such as those found in the tract called the Silas, and in the passage on the rejected forms of asceticism, both translated below. These groups and lists, again, must have been accompanied from the first by a running verbal commentary, given, in his own words, by the teacher to his pupils. Without such a comment they are often quite unintelligible, and always difficult. The inclusion of such memoria tecJmica makes the Four Nikayas strikingly different from modern treatises on ethics or psychology. As they stand they were never intended to be read. And a version in English, repeating all the repetitions, rendering each item in the lists and groups as they stand, by a single English word, without commentary, would quite fail to convey the meaning, often intrinsically interesting, always historically valuable, of these curious old documents.

It is no doubt partly the result of the burden of such memoria tecknica, but partly also owing to the methods of exposition then current in North India, that the leading theses of each Suttanta are not worked out in the way in which we should expect to find similar theses worked out now in Europe. A proposition or two or three, are put forward, re-stated with slight additions or variations, and placed as it were in contrast with the contrary proposition (often at first put forward by the interlocutor). There the matter is usually left. There is no elaborate logical argument. The choice is offered to the hearer ; and, of course, he usually accepts the proposition as maintained by the Buddha. The statement of this is often so curt, enigmatic, and even — owing not seldom simply to our ignorance, as yet, of the exact force of the technical terms used — so ambiguous, that a knowledge of the state of opinion on the particular point, in North India, at the time, or a comparison of other Nikaya passages on the subject, is necessary to remove the uncertainty. It would seem therefore most desirable that a scholar attempting to render these Suttantas into a European language — evolved in the process of expressing a very different, and often contradictory, set of conceptions — should give the reasons of the faith that is in him. He should state why he holds such and such an expression to be the least inappropriate rendering : and quote parallel passages from other Nikaya texts in support of his reasons. He should explain the real significance of the thesis put forward by a statement of what, in his opinion, was the point of view from which it was put forward, the stage of opinion into which it fits, the current views it supports or controverts. In regard to technical terms, for which there can be no exact equivalent, he should give the Pali. And in regard to the mnemonic lists and groups, each word in which is usually a crux, he should give cross-references, and wherever he ventures to differ from the Buddhist explanations, as handed down in the schools, should state the fact, and give his reasons. It is only by such discussions that we can hope to make progress in the interpretation of the history of Buddhist and Indian thought. Bare versions are of no use . to scholars, and even to the general reader they can only convey loose, inadequate, and inaccurate ideas.

These considerations will, I trust, meet with the approval of my fellow workers. Each scholar would of course, in considering the limitations of his space, make a different choice as to the points he regarded most pressing to dwell upon in his commentary, as to the points he would leave to explain themselves. It may, I am afraid, be considered that my choice in these respects has not been happy, and especially that too many words or phrases have been left without comment, where reasons were necessary. But I have endeavoured, in the notes and introductions, to emphasise those points on which further elucidation is desirable ; and to raise some of the most important of those historical questions which will have to be settled before these Suttantas can finally be considered as having been rightly understood. • 'Nalanda,' April, 1899. T. W. Rhys Davids. Journal of the Pali Text Society. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Sacred Books of the East. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft The phase of beliefs which this Suttanta is intended to meet, into which its argument fits, has been set out in some detail in the opening chapter of my 'American Lectures.' As there pointed out1, the discussion which thus opens this series of dialogues forms also the first question in the Katha Vatthu, and the first question in the Milinda. We cannot be far wrong if, in our endeavours to understand the real meaning of the original Buddhism, we attach as much weight to this question as did the author or authors of these ancient and authoritative Buddhist books.

The Suttanta sets out in sixty-two divisions2 various speculations or theories in which the theorisers, going out always from various forms of the ancient view of a ' soul ' — a sort of subtle manikin inside the body but separate from it, and continuing, after it leaves the body, as a separate entity — attempt to reconstruct the past, or to arrange the future. All such speculation is condemned. And necessarily so, since the Buddhist philosophy is put together without this ancient idea of ' soul.' The Buddhist scheme endeavours, in other words, to include all the truth which previous thinkers had grafted on to the old savage theories of a semi-material, subtle, permanent entity inside the body, while rejecting those theories themselves ; it endeavours to retain all the philosophic truth which previous thinkers had grafted on to the theosophies — the corollaries of the soul theories — while rejecting those theosophies themselves. The reasons given for this position are threefold : firstly, that such speculators about ultimate things, 1 'American Lectures on Buddhism.' London, 1896, pp. 38-43. 2 Summed up below, pp. 52, 53 ; and set out more fully in the list in the 'American Lectures,' pp. 31-33.

either in the past or the future, have insufficient evidence, see only one side of the shield 1 ; secondly, that such speculations do not lead to emancipation, to Arahatship l ; and thirdly, that such theories are really derived from the hopes, the feelings, and the sensations arising from evanescent phenomena 3 — they belong, in other words, to the realm of hastily formed, empirical opinion (di///zi), not to that of the higher wisdom (pa«»a). So that Buddhism, in the first place, holds a position somewhat similar to the modern Agnostic position. Secondly, while acknowledging the importance of feeling and of intellect, it lays special stress upon the regulation, the cultivation, of the will 4. And thirdly, it distinguishes between a lower and a higher wisdom 6. Several scholars, and especially — with more knowledge and detail — Dr. Karl Neumann, have maintained that the position of Buddhism in the history of Indian philosophy is analogous to that of Schopenhauer in European philosophy. On the other hand, it is maintained by Professor Deussen that Schopenhauer's position is analogous to that of the Upanishads. The reconciliation will probably be found to be that what Buddhism took over, with more or less of modification, from the Upanishads, is about the same as that part of the Upanishad doctrine which is found, in European phraseology, in Schopenhauer ; and what Buddhism rejected altogether is not to be found in Schopenhauer. He himself, who however knew both systems only from second-hand and inaccurate authorities, says, ' If I am to take the results of my own philosophy as the standard of truth, I should be obliged to concede to Buddhism the pre-eminence over other (systems of philosophy).'

However this question may be decided — and its discussion, at the necessary length, by a competent student of philosophy, is a very pressing want — it is certain from the details given in our Suttanta that there were then current in Northern India many other philosophic and theosophic speculations besides those the priests found it expedient to adopt, and have preserved for us in the Upanishads. And who can doubt but that some, if not all of them, may also have had their influence on the new doctrine ? There was always much philosophising in India outside the narrow and inexact limits 1 See the fable quoted below, pp. 187, 188. 2 See below, pp. 44, 188. 3 See for instance below, pp. 53, 54. 4 See the paper on ' The Will in Buddhism,' J. R. A. S., 1898. 5 See below, p. 42, &c, of this Suttanta. of the so-called six Dar^anas ; and we have to thank Buddhist scholars for preserving, in their Pali and Sanskrit works, the evidences of such philosophy as the priests wished to exclude from notice1. 1 Professor Cowell has been good enough to inform me that, in his opinion, the attempted restriction of all philosophy to the six Dan-anas, and the very use of the term, is late mediaeval. The six are of course not mutually exclusive ; and this, and the omissions in the classification of philosophy under these six heads, render it rather like a classification of animals into men, horses, birds, ghosts, beetles, and sparrows.

I. i. Thus have I heard. The Blessed One was once going along the high road between Ra^agaha and Nalanda2 with a great company of the brethren, with about five hundred brethren. And Suppiya the mendicant3 too was going along the high road between Ra^ragaha and Nalanda with his disciple the youth Brahmadatta. Now just then Suppiya the mendicant was speaking in many ways in dispraise of the Buddha, in dispraise of the Doctrine, in dispraise of the Order. But young Brahmadatta, his pupil, gave utterance, in many ways, to praise of the Buddha, to praise of the Doctrine, to praise of the Order. Thus they two teacher and pupil, holding opinions in direct contradiction one to the other, were following, step by 1 The whole of this Sutta was translated into English by the Rev. Daniel Gogerly, Wesleyan missionary in Ceylon, in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1846 (reprinted by P. Grimblot in his ' Sept Suttas Palis/ Paris, 1876). 2 Nalanda, afterwards the seat of the famous Buddhist university, was about seven miles north of Ra^agaha, the capital of Magadna, the modern Ra^-gir (Sum. p. 35). 3 Suppiya was a follower of the celebrated teacher Sa«^aya, whose views are set out and controverted in the next Sutta.

step, after the Blessed One and the company of the brethren. 2. Now the Blessed One put up at the royal resthouse in the Ambala/Z^ika pleasance x to pass the night, and with him the company of the brethren. And so also did Suppiya the mendicant, and with him his young disciple Brahmadatta. And there, at the rest-house, these two carried on the same discussion as before. [2] 3. And in the early dawn a number of the brethren, assembled, as they rose up, in the pavilion ; and this was the trend of the talk that sprang up among them, as they were seated there. ' How wonderful a thing is it, brethren, and how strange that the Blessed One, he who knows and sees, the Arahat, the Buddha Supreme, should so clearly have perceived how various are the inclinations of men ! For see how while Suppiya the mendicant speaks in many ways in dispraise of the Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Order, his own disciple, young Brahmadatta, speaks, in as many ways, in praise of them. So do these two, teacher and pupil, follow step by step after the Blessed One and the company of the brethren, giving utterance to views in direct contradiction one to the other.

4. Now the Blessed One, on realising what was the drift of their talk, went to the pavilion, and took his seat on the mat spread out for him. And when he had sat down he said : ' What is the talk on which you are engaged sitting here, and what is the subject of the conversation between you?' And they told him all. And he said : 1 Ambala/Mika, 'the mango sapling.' It was, says Buddhaghosa (pp. 41, 42), a well-watered and shady park so called from a mango sapling by the gateway. It was surrounded with a rampart, and had in it a rest-house adorned with paintings for the king's amusement. There was another garden so named at Anuradhapura in Ceylon, to the east of the Brazen Palare (Sum. I, 131). This was so named, no doubt, after the other which was famous as the scene of the ' Exhortation to Rahula starting with falsehood,' mentioned in Asoka's Bhabra Edict (see my 'Buddhism,' pp. 224, 225). 5. ' Brethren, if outsiders should speak against me, or against the Doctrine, [3] or against the Order, you should not on that account either bear malice, or suffer heart-burning, or feel illwill. If you, on that account, should be angry and hurt, that would stand in the way of your own self-conquest. If, when others speak against us,.you feel angry at that, and displeased, would you then be able to judge how far that speech of theirs is well said or ill ? '

' That would not be so, Sir.' ' But when outsiders speak in dispraise of me, or of the Doctrine, or of the Order, you should unravel what is false and point it out as wrong, saying : " For this or that reason this is not the fact, that is not so, such a thing is not found among us, is not in us." 6. ' But also, brethren, if outsiders should speak in praise of me, in praise of the Doctrine, in praise of the Order, you should not, on that account, be filled with pleasure or gladness, or be lifted up in heart. Were you to be so that also would stand in the way of your self-conquest. When outsiders speak in praise of me, or of the Doctrine, or of the Order, you should acknowledge what is right to be the fact, saying: "For this or that reason this is the fact, that is so, such a thing is found among us, is in us." 7. ' It is in respect only of trifling things, of matters of little value, of mere morality, that an unconverted man, when praising the Tathagata, would speak. And what are such trifling, minor details of mere morality that he would praise ? '

[4] [The Moralities \ Part I.] 8. ' " Putting away the killing of living things, Gotama the recluse holds aloof from the destruction 1 These titles occur, in the MSS., at the end of the sections of the tract that now follows. It forms a part of each of the Suttas in the first division, the first third, of this collection of Suttas. The division is called therefore the Sila Vagga or Section containing the Silas. The tract itself must almost certainly have existed as a separate work of life. He has laid the cudgel and. the sword aside, and ashamed of roughness, and full of mercy, he dwells compassionate and kind to all creatures that have life." It is thus that the unconverted man, when speaking in praise of the Tathagata, might speak l. ' Or he might say : " Putting away the taking of what has not been given, Gotama the recluse lived aloof from grasping what is not his own. He takes only what is given, and expecting that gifts will come 2, he passes his life in honesty and purity of heart." ' Or he might say: " Putting away unchastity, Gotama the recluse is chaste. He holds himself aloof, far off, from the vulgar practice, from the sexual act 3."

9. ' Or he might say : " Putting away lying words, Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from falsehood. He speaks truth, from the truth he never swerves ; faithful and trustworthy, he breaks not his word to the world." ' Or he might say : " Putting away slander, Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from calumny. What he hears here he repeats not elsewhere to raise a quarrel before the time when the discourses, in each of which it recurs, were first put together. Certain paragraphs from this tract occur also elsewhere. So in Maggfcma. I, 179 we have the whole of the short paragraphs; in Magg/iima, Nos. 76 and 77, and in Mahavagga V, 8, 3, we have § 17 ; in Magghima II, 3 we have most of § 18 ; and so on. The whole of this tract has been translated into English by Gogerly (in Grimblot, see page 1, note), into French by Burnouf (also in Grimblot, pp. 212 foil.), and into German by Dr. Neumann (in his Buddhisiische Anthologie, pp. 67 foil.). 1 This refrain is repeated at the end of each clause. When the Silas recur below, in each Sutta, the only difference is in the refrain. See, for instance, the translation of p. 100 in the text.

2 Neumann has ' waiting for a gift ' which is a possible rendering : but patikankhati has not yet been found elsewhere in the sense of ' waiting for.' The usual meaning of the word expresses just such a trifling matter as we have been led, from the context, to expect. 3 Gama-dhamma, 'from the village habit, the practice of country folk, the "pagan'" way.' One might render the phrase by 'pagan' if that word had not acquired, in English, a slightly different connotation. It is the opposite of pori, urbane (applied to speech, below, § 9). Dr. Neumann misses the point here, but has ' hofiich ' below. against the people here ; what he hears elsewhere he repeats not here to raise a quarrel against the people there. Thus does he live as a binder together of those who are divided, an encourager of those who are friends, a peacemaker, a lover of peace, impassioned for peace, a speaker of words that make for peace." ' Or he might .say : " Putting away rudeness of speech, Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from harsh language. Whatsoever word is blameless, pleasant to the ear, lovely, reaching to the heart, urbane \ pleasing to the people, beloved of the people — such are words he speaks."

' Or he might say : " Putting away frivolous talk 2, Gotama the. recluse holds himself aloof from vain conversation.- In season he speaks, in accordance with the facts, words full of meaning, on religion, on the discipline of the Order. He speaks, and at the right time, words worthy to be laid up in one's heart, [5] fitly illustrated, clearly divided, to the point." 10. ' Or he might say: "Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from causing injury to seeds or plants 3. He takes but one meal a day, not eating at night, refraining from food after hours (after midday). He refrains from being a spectator at shows at fairs, with nautch dances, singing, and music. He abstains from wearing, adorning, or ornamenting himself with garlands, scents, and unguents. He abstains from the use of large and lofty beds. He abstains from accepting silver or gold. He abstains from accepting uncooked grain. He abstains from accepting raw meat. He abstains from accepting women or girls. He abstains from accepting bondmen or bondwomen. 1 Pori. See note above on § 8. 2 Sampha-ppalapa. Sampha occurs alone in the Hemavata Sutta, and at Gat. VI, 295; A. II, 23.

3 Samarambh& cannot mean 'planting' as Dr. Neumann renders it. He abstains from accepting sheep or goats. He abstains from accepting fowls or swine. He abstains from accepting elephants, cattle, horses, and mares. He abstains from accepting cultivated fields or waste. He abstains from the acting as a go-between or messenger. He abstains from buying and selling. He abstains from cheating with scales or bronzes1 or measures. He abstains from the crooked ways of bribery, cheating, and fraud. He abstains from maiming, murder, putting in bonds, highway robbery, dacoity, and violence." ' Such are the things, brethren, which an unconverted man, when speaking in praise of the Tathagata, might say.' Here ends the A'ula Slla [the Short Paragraphs ii. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the injury of seedlings and growing plants whether propagated from roots or cuttings or joints or buddings or seeds 2 — Gotama the 1 Kawsa-ku/a. The context suggests that kawzsa (bronze) may here refer to coins, just as we say in English ' a copper/ and the word is actually so used in the nth and 12th Bhikkhunf Nissaggiya Rules — the oldest reference in Indian books to coins. The most ancient coins, which were of private (not state) coinage, were either of bronze or gold. Buddhaghosa (p. 79) explains the expression here used as meaning the passing off of bronze vessels as gold. Gogerly translates ' weights,' Childers sub voce has ' counterfeit metal/ and Neumann has ' Maass/ Buddhaghosa is obliged to take ka/wsa in the meaning of ' gold pot,' which seems very forced ; and there is no authority for ka»/sa meaning either weight or mass. On the whole the coin explanation seems to me to be the simplest.

2 Buddhaghosa gives examples of each of these five classes of the vegetable kingdom without explaining the terms. But it is only the fourth which is doubtful. It may mean ' graftings/ if the art of grafting was then known in the Ganges valley. recluse holds aloof from such injury to seedlings and growing plants." 12. [6] ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of things stored up ; stores, to wit, of foods, drinks, clothing, equipages, bedding, perfumes, and curry-stuffs l — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such use of things stored up." 13. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to visiting shows 2 ; that is to say, (1) Nautch dances (na^aw) 3. (2) Singing of songs (gltaw). (3) Instrumental music (vaditaw). (4) Shows at fairs (pekkham) 4. 1 Am is a. Buddhaghosa (p. 83) gives a long list of curry-stuffs included under this term. If he is right then Gogerly's ' raw grain ' is too limited a translation, and Neumann's ' all sorts of articles to use' too extensive. In its secondary meaning the word means ' something nice, a relish, a dainty.'

'2 Visfika-dassanazw. This word has only been found elsewhere in the phrase di/Z/^i-visukawz, 'the puppet shows of heresy' (Ma^ - gfcma, I, pp. 8, 486 ; and Serissaka Vimana LXXXIV, 26). The Sinhalese renders it wiparita-dar^awa. 3 Dancing cannot mean here a dancing in which the persons referred to took part. It must be ballet or nautch dancing. Literally ' shows.' This word, only found here, has always been rendered ' theatrical representations.' Clough first translated it so in his Sinhalese Dictionary, p. 665, and he was followed by Gogerly, Burnouf, myself (in 'Buddhist Suttas,' p. 192), and Dr. Neumann (p. 69),— and Weber (Indian Literature, pp. 199, 319) seems to approve this. But it is most unlikely that the theatre was already known in the fifth century b.c. And Buddhaghosa (p. 84) explains it, quite simply, as na/a-sama^a. Now sama^o is a very interesting old word (at least in its Pali form). The Sanskrit sama^ya, according to the Petersburg Dictionary, has only been found in modern dictionaries. The Pali occurs in other old texts such as Vinaya II, 107; IV, 267 (both times in the very same context as it does here); ibid. II, 150; IV, 85; Sigalovada Sutta, p. 300; and it is undoubtedly the same word as samara in the first of the fourteen Edicts of Asoka. In the Sigalovada there are said to be six dangers at such a saraa^o; to wit, dancing, singing, music, recitations, conjuring tricks, and acrobatic shows. And in the Vinaya passages we

(5) Ballad recitations (akkhana?^) 1. (6) Hand music (pa #is- (7) The chanting of bards (vetala^) 3. (8) Tam-tam playing (kumbhathunaw) 4. learn that at a sama^o not only amusements but also food was provided ; that high officials were invited, and had special seats ; and that it took place at the top of a hill. This last detail of ' high places ' (that is sacred places) points to a religious motive as underlying ihe whole procedure. The root a.g (nyo>, ago, whence our 'act') belongs to the stock of common Aryan roots, and means carrying on. What was the meaning of this ' carrying on together ' ? Who were the people who took part? Were they confined to one village? or have we here a survival from old exogamic communistic dancings together? Later the word means simply 'fair,' as at Gataka III, 541 : ' Many the bout I have played with quarterstaves at the fair,' with which (7ataka I, 394 may be compared. And it is no doubt this side of the festival which is here in the mind of the author ; but ' fair ' is nevertheless a very inadequate rendering. The Sinhalese has 'rapid movement in dance-figures' (ranga-ma«</alu).

1 These ballad recitations in prose and verse combined were the source from which epic poetry was afterwards gradually developed. Buddhaghosa has no explanation of the word, but gives as examples the Bharata and the Ramayawa. The negative anakkhanaw* occurs Mag^ima I, 503. 2 Buddhaghosa explains this as 'playing on cymbals'; and adds that it is also called pawita/azrc. The word is only found here and at Gataka V, 506, and means literally ' hand-sounds.' 3 Buddhaghosa says ' deep music, but some say raising dead bodies to life by spells.' His own explanation is, I think, meant to be etymological; and to show that he derives the word from vi + ta/a. This would bring the word into connection with the Sanskrit vaitalika, 'royal bard.' The other explanation connects the word with vetala, 'a demon,' supposed to play pranks (as in the stories of the Vetala-pa/7/£a-vizrasati) by reanimating corpses. Dr. Neumann adopts it. But it does not agree so well with the context ; and it seems scarcely justifiable to see, in this ancient list, a reference to beliefs which can only be traced in literature more than a thousand years later. Gogerly's rendering ' funeral ceremonies,' which I previously followed, seems to me now quite out of the question.

* It is clear from Gataka V, 506 that this word means a sort of music. And at Vinaya IV, 285 kumbhathunika are mentioned in connection with dancers, acrobats, and hired mourners. Buddhaghosa is here obscure and probably corrupt, and the derivation is quite uncertain. Gogerly's guess seems better than Burnouf's or Neumann's. The Sinhalese has ' striking a drum big enough to hold sixteen gallons.' (9) Fairy scenes (Sobhanagarakaw) 1. (10) Acrobatic feats by Aa^rtalas (Ka. n da 1 a -v a msa-dhopana#z) 2. (11) Combats of elephants, horses, buffaloes, bulls, goats, rams, cocks, and quails. (12) Bouts at quarterstaff3, boxing, wrestling4. (13-16) Sham - fights, roll-calls, manoeuvres, reviews 5 — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from visiting such shows." 14. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to games and recreations 6 ; that is to say, (1) Games on boards rows of squares7. with eis;ht, or with ten, (2) The same games 1 Buddhaghosa seems to understand by this term (literally 'of Sobha city') the adornments or scenery used for a ballet-dance. (Pa/ibhawa-^ittaw at Vinaya II, 151; IV, 61, 298, 358; Sum. I, 42 is the nude in art.) Weber has pointed out (Indische Studien,

II, 38 ; III, 153) that Sobha is a city of the Gandharvas, fairies much given to music and love-making. It is quite likely that the name of a frequently used scene for a ballet became a proverbial phrase for all such scenery. But the Sinhalese has 'pouring water over the heads of dancers, or nude paintings.' 2 Buddhaghosa takes these three words separately, and so do all the MSS. of the text, and the Sinhalese version. But I now think that the passage at Gataka IV, 390 is really decisive, and that we have here one of the rare cases where we can correct our MSS. against the authority of the old commentator. But I follow him in the general meaning he assigns to the strange expression ' .£a//d?ala-bamboowashings.' 3 See Gataka III, 541. 4 Nibbuddhawz. The verbal form nibbu^^ati occurs in the list at Vinaya III, 180 (repeated at II, 10); and our word at Milinda 232. 5 All these recur in the introductory story to the 50th Pa&ttiya (Vinaya IV, 107). On the last compare Buddhaghosa on Mahavagga V, 1, 29. 6 All these terms recur at Vinaya III, 180 (repeated at II, 10). 7 Chess played originally on a board of eight times ten squares was afterwards played on one of eight times eight squares. Our text cannot be taken as evidence of real chess in the fifth century B.C., but it certainly refers to games from which it and draughts must have been developed. The Sinhalese Sanna says that each of these games

played by imagining such boards in the air '. (3) Keeping going over diagrams drawn on the ground so that one steps only where one ought to go2. (4) Either removing the pieces or men from a heap with one's nail, or putting them into a heap, in each case without shaking it. He who shakes the heap, loses \ (5) Throwing dice 4. (6) Hitting a short stick with a long one 6. (7) Dipping the hand with the fingers stretched out in lac, or red dye, or flour-water, and striking the wet hand on the ground or on a wall, calling out ' What shall it be ? ' and showing the form required — elephants, horses, &c.6 (8) Games with balls 7. (9) Blowing through toy pipes made of leaves 8. (10) Ploughing with toy ploughs 9. (11) Turning summersaults 10. (12) Playing with toy windmills made of palmleaves u. was played with dice and pieces such as kings and so on. The word for pieces is poru (from purisa) — just our 'men.' 1 Akisa/w. How very like blindfold chess ! 2 Parihara-pathatfz. A kind of primitive 'hop-scotch.' The Sinhalese says the steps must be made hopping.

s Santikd. Spellicans, pure and simple. 4 Khali kd. Unfortunately the method of playing is not stated. Compare Eggeling's note as in his Satapatha-Brahmawa III, 106, 7. In the gambling-scene on the Bharhut Tope (Cunningham, PI. XLV, No. 9) there is a board marked out on the stone of six times five squares (not six by six), and six little cubes with marks on the sides visible lie on the stone outside the board. 6 Gha/ikaw. Something like 'tip-cat.' Si/ra-kelimaya in Sinhalese. 4 Salaka-hatthaw. On flour-water as colouring matter, see 7 Akkha/ra. The usual meaning is 'a die.' But the Sinhalese ranslator agrees with Buddhaghosa. Neither gives any details. 8 Panga^traw. The Sinhalese for this toy is pat-kulal. Morris in J. P. T. S., 1889, p. 205, compares the Marathi pungi. * Vankaka/ra. From Sanskrit vrz'ka. See Jaurnal of the Pali Text Society, 1889, p. 206. 10 Mokkha/fcika. So the Sinhalese. Buddhaghosa has an alternative explanation of turning over on a trapeze, but gives this also. See Vinaya I, 275, and J. P. T. S., 1885, p. 49. 11 Almgulikaw. See Morris in the J. P. T. S., 1885, p. 50, who compares ^ingulayitva at Ahguttara III, 15, 2. (13) Playing with toy measures made of palmleaves.

(14, 15) Playing with toy carts or toy bows1. (16) Guessing at letters traced in the air, or on a playfellow's back 2. (17) Guessing the playfellow's thoughts. (18) Mimicry of deformities— [7] Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such games and recreations." 15. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of high and large couches ; that is to say 3 (1) Moveable settees, high, and six feet long (Asandi)4. (2) Divans with animal figures carved on the supports (Pallanko) 5. 1 All these six, from No. 10 inclusive, are mentioned in the Ma^^ima, vol. i, p. 266, as children's games. 2 Akkharika. It is important evidence for the date at which writing was known in India that such a game should be known in the fifth century b.c. 3 The following list recurs Vinaya I, 192 = II, 163 = Ahguttara I, 18^, &c. 4 Asandi. Buddhaghosa merely says 'a seat beyond the allowed measure,' but that must refer to height, as the only rule as to measure in seats is the 87th Pattttiya in which the height of beds or chairs is limited to eight 'great' inches (probably about eighteen inches). The Sinhalese Sanna adds ' a long chair for supporting the whole body.' At Gat. I, 208 a man lies down on an a s an di so as to be able to look up and watch the stars. At Digha I, 55 = Ma<g§r^ima I, sti^ = Samyutta III, 307 (where the reading must be corrected), the asandi is used as a bier. The asandi is selected as the right sort of seat for the king in both the Va^apeya and Inauguration ceremonies because of its height (Eggeling, Sat.-Brah. Ill, 35, 105). It is there said to be made of common sorts of wood, and perforated ; which probably means that the frame was of wood and the seat was of interlaced cane or wickerwork. The diminutive asandiko, with short legs and made square (for sitting, not lying on), is allowed in the Buddhist Order by Vinaya II, 149. And even the asandi is allowed, if the tall legs be cut^down, by Vinaya II, 169, 170 (where the reading ^inditva seems preferable, and is read in the quotation at Sum. I, 88). The renderings ' large cushion' at 'Vinaya Texts,' II, 27 and ' stuffed couch ' at III, 209 must be accordingly corrected. Gogerly translates ' large couch,' Burnouf ' une chaise longue,' and Neumann

• ' bequeme Lehnstuhl.' * Pallanko. It is noteworthy that, in spite of the use of a divan (3) Goats' hair coverlets with very long fleece (Gonako) '. (4) Patchwork counterpanes of many colours (A'ittaka). (5) White blankets (Pa/ika). (6) Woollen coverlets embroidered with flowers (Pa/alika). (7) Quilts stuffed with cotton wool .(Tulika). (8) Coverlets embroidered with figures of lions, tigers, &c. (Vikatika). (9) Rugs with fur on both sides (Uddalomi). (10) Rugs with fur on one side (Ekantalomi). (11) Coverlets embroidered with gems (K a tth\ ssaw). (12) Silk coverlets (Koseyyawz). (13) Carpets large enough for sixteen dancers (Kuttakaw). horse, and chariot rugs. (17) Rugs of antelope skins sewn together (A/ina-pave«i). (18) Rugs of skins of the plantain antelope. (19) Carpets with awn- with animals carved on its supports being here objected to, it is precisely the sort of seat on which the Buddha himself, or Buddhisl personages of distinction, are often, in later sculptures, represented as silting (Griinwedel, 'Buddhistische kunst/ pp. in, 124, 137; Mitra, 'Budh Gaya,' Plates XI, XX, &c. &c). At Mahavaw/sa 25 sihasana and pallanko are used of the same seat (Asoka's throne), and sihasana is used of Du/Ma Gamini's throne, ibid. 157. But the Lion throne of Nissanka Malla, found at Pollonnaruwa, is not a pallanko, but an actual stone lion, larger than life size (' Indian Antiquary,' vol. i, p. 135. Compare the similar seat in Griinwedel, p. 95).

By Vinaya II, 170 the possession of a pallanka was allowed to the Order if the animal figures were broken off (the translation in { Vinaya Texts,' III, 209, must be altered accordingly, reading va7e for vale, as at Vinaya IV, 312). By Vinaya II, 163 it is laid down that members of the Order were not to use a complete pallanko even in laymen's houses, so that Nigrodha's action in the passage just quoted (Mahlvawsa 25) was really a breach of the regulations. 1 The words from gonako down to ka/Missaw inclusive, and also kuttakazra, are found only in this list, and Buddhaghosa seems to be uncertain as to the exact meaning of some of them. All except No 7 might be used in laymen's houses ('Vinaya Texts,' III, 197), and all might be possessed by the Order if used only as floorcoverings (ibid. Ill, 209) ; except again No. 7, the cotton wool of which might be utilised for pillows. As there is a doubt about the spelling it may be noticed that the Sanna reads gonakam and ings above them (Sauttara-v£^adaw). (20) Sofas with red pillows for the head and feet." 16. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of means for adorning and beautifying themselves: that is to say, —

Rubbing in scented powders on one's body, shampooing it, and bathing it. Patting the limbs with clubs after the manner of wrestlers l. The use of mirrors, eye-ointments, garlands, rouge, cosmetics, bracelets, necklaces, walking-sticks, reed cases for drugs, rapiers, sunshades, embroidered slippers, turbans, diadems, whisks of the yak's tail, and long-fringed white robes — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such means of adorning and beautifying the person 2." 1 7. ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to such low conversation as these : Tales of kings, of robbers, of ministers of state ; tales of war, of terrors, of battles ; talk about foods and drinks, clothes, beds, garlands, perfumes ; talks about relationships, equipages, villages, town, cities, and countries ; tales about women [8], and about heroes ; gossip at street corners 3, or places whence uddalomiw : and the MS. in the R. A. S. (which repeats each sentence) has gonakawz and uddalomiwz both times. 1 Sambahana/H. Perhaps rubbing the limbs with flat pieces of wood. See Buddhaghosa here and at ' Vinaya Texts,' III, 60. 2 This is not quite accurate. Out of the twenty items here objected to, three (shampooing, bathing, and the use of sunshades) were allowed in the Order, and practised by Gotama himself. Bathrooms, and halls attached to them, are permitted by 'Vinaya Texts,' III, 189; shampooing by ibid. Ill, 68, 297. There are elaborate regulations for the provision of hot steam baths and the etiquette to be observed in them ; and instances of the use of the ordinary bath in streams or rivers are frequent. The use of sunshades is permitted by 'Vinaya Texts,' III, 132-3, and is referred to ibid. Ill, 88, 274.

8 Visikha-katha. Buddhaghosa (p. 90) takes this word (literally ' street-talk ') in the sense of talk about streets, whether ill or well situate, and whether the inhabitants are bold or poor, &c. water is fetched ; ghost stories ' ; desultory talk 'z ; speculations about the creation of the land or sea 3, or about existence and non-existence 4 — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low conversation." 1 8. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of wrangling phrases 5 : such as — " You don't understand this doctrine and discipline, I do." " How should you know about this doctrine and discipline ? " " You have fallen into wrong views. It is I who am in the right." " I am speaking to the point, you are not 6." " You are putting last what ought to come first, and first what ought to come last 7." " What you've excogitated so long, that's all quite upset." 1 Pubba-peta-katha. The commentator confines this to boasting talk about deceased relatives or ancestors. 2 Nanatta-kathawz, literally 'difference-talk.' The expression seems somewhat forced, if taken as meaning ' desultory ' ; but I see no better explanation.

3 Lokakkhayikd. Buddhaghosa refers this specially to such speculations as are put forth according to the Lokayata system by the Vitawdas (also called Lokayatikas). These are materialistic theorisers, of whose system very little is, so far, known. See the note at ' Vinaya Texts,' vol. iii, p. 151. I have collected other references to them in my ' Milinda,' vol. i, p. 7 ; and to these Digha I, 11, 114, 120, and Attha Salini, p. 3, may now be added. They are probably referred to below in chap, iii of this Sutta, §§ 10, 20. 4 This list of foolish talks recurs in Suttas 76-78 in the Magg^ima. and at Vinaya I, 188. 5 These expressions all recur at Ma^g^ima II, 3. 6 S ah it am me, literally 'the put together is to me,' &c. The idiom is only found here, and may mean either as rendered above, or ' the context is on my side,' or ' the text (of the Scriptures) is on my side,' or merely ' that which is of use is on my side.' This last, given by the Sanna, amounts to the same as the version adopted above. 7 Putting the cart before the horse.

" Your challenge has been taken up V " You are proved to be wrong 2." " Set to work to clear your views V " Disentangle yourself if you can 4 " — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such wrangling phrases." 19. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to taking messages, going on errands, and acting as go-betweens ; to wit, on kings, ministers of state, Kshatriyas, Brahmans, or young men, saying : ' Go there, come hither, take this with you, bring that from thence ' — Gotama the recluse abstains from such servile duties." 20. ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, are tricksters5, droners out (of holy words for pay)6, 1 Aropito te vado. On the use of this idiom compare the Commentary on the Then Gatha, p. 10 1. There is a misprint here in the text, aropito for aropito. 'Issue has been joined against you' would be a possible rendering. It is the phrase used, when some one has offered to hold debate (maintain a thesis) against all comers, by an opponent who takes up the challenge.

2 Niggahito si. On this idiom compare the opening paragraphs of the Katha Vatthu and the Commentary on them (especially pp. 9, 10V It is literally 'you are censured.' 3 A'ara vada-pamokkhaya. So Buddhaghosa. But Gogerly renders, ' Depart, that you may be freed from this disputation ; ' and the only parallel passage seems to support this view. It is Mag^ima I> I33. where it is said to be wrong to learn the Seriptures for the sake of the advantage of being freed from discussion or debate where texts are quoted against one. Pamokkha occurs besides at Samyutta I, 2, Gataka V, 30, 31, and Mahava/wsa 158, but not in this connection. • 4 So the author of Milinda in making his hero Nagasena use just such a phrase (Mil. p. 27) is making him commit a breach of propriety. 6 Kuhaka\ 'Astonish the world with the three sorts of trickery,' says Buddhaghosa. These are also referred to without explanation at Cataka IV, 297 (where we should, I think, read kuhana). 6 Lapaka. Compare Itivuttaka, No. 99 = Ahguttara I, 165, 168; and also Milinda' 228, Gataka III, 349. diviners \ and .exorcists 2, ever hungering to add o-ain to gain 3 — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such deception and patter." '

Here ends the Maxima Sila [the Longer Paragraphs on Conduct]. [9] 21. ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by low arts, such as these :- (1) Palmistry — prophesying long life, prosperity, &c. (or the reverse), from marks on a child's hands, feet, &c.4 (2) Divining by means of omens and signs 6. (3) Auguries drawn from thunderbolts and other celestial portents °. 1 Nemittaka, 'interpreters of signs and omens.' See the note on nimittara in the next paragraph. Compare Milinda 299; Gat IV, 124. 2 Nippesika, 'scarers away' (? of ghosts, or bad omens). But the Commentary and Sanna give no help, and the word has only been found in this list. 3 All the five words in this list recur at A. Ill, m, but the context there is as undecisive as it is here, and the Commentary (fol. di of the Tumour MS. at the India Office), though slightly different, gives no better help. 4 Angara, literally 'limbs.' Buddhaghosa distinguishes this from lakkha«ara (No. 5 in this list), and from anga-vi^a (No. 16). It is not found, in this sense, anywhere in the texts.

5 Nimittawz, literally 'marks,' or 'signs.' Buddhaghosa tells a story in illustration. King Pa«</u, they say (Pandi in the Sanna), took three pearls in his closed hand, and asked a diviner what he had in it. The latter looked this way and that for a sign; and seeing a fly which had been caught by a house-lizard (the Sanna says ' by a dog,' perhaps the meaning is simply 'in sugar') getting free (mutta), said at once 'pearls' (also mutta in Pali). 'How many?' says the king. The diviner, hearing a dog bark thrice, answered 'three.' Compare Mil. 178, and the note to the last section on nemittika, and the story at Mahavarasa 82. 6 Uppado, « the portents of the great ones, thunderbolts falling, and so on,' says Buddhaghosa. The Great Ones here mean, I think, the spirits or gods presiding over the sun, moon, and planets (see the note on § 26). The word corresponds to the Sanskrit Utpata, though the d is vouched for by overwhelming authority. But this is only another instance of a change not infrequent (as Ed. Miiller has shown, (4) Prognostication by interpreting dreams 1. (5) Fortune-telling from marks on the body 2.

(6) Auguries from the marks on cloth gnawed by mice 3. (7) Sacrificing to Agni4. (8) Offering oblations from a spoon 5. (9-13) Making offerings to gods of husks, of the red powder between the grain and the husk, of husked grain ready for boiling, of ghee, and of oil6. (14) Sacrificing by spewing mustard seeds, &c., into the fire out of one's mouth 7. (15) Drawing blood from one's right knee as a sacrifice to the eods 8. Pali Grammar, p. 37); and the one or two cases where Burmese scribes have (wrongly) corrected to up pat a is another instance to be added to those referred to in the Introduction to Sum. I of their habit of putting an easier reading where the more difficult one is really right. Childers should therefore have kept this word separate from the other uppado Comp. Gat. I, 374. 1 Supinawz. On the theory of dreams compare Mil., pp. 297-301. At Gat. I, 374 the word is masculine. Perhaps charms to avert bad dreams (Ath.-veda VI, 46; XVI, 5 and 6) are included in this 'low art.' Gat. No. 77 mocks at the dream interpreters. 2 Lakkha«a/«. The commentator on this word as used in the very same connection at Gat. I, 374 adds that it means also the knowledge of good and bad marks on such persons and things as are mentioned here in our next paragraph. Buddhaghosa confines its meaning to that given above. This contradiction is another confirmation of the opinion expressed by me in 1880 in 'Buddhist Birth Stories,' pp. lxiii foil., that Childers was wrong in ascribing the (7ataka Commentary to Buddhaghosa. The word occurs in Buddhaghosa's sense at D. I, 114, 120= A. I, 163, &c. ; Gat. I, 56.

3 Musika^^inna/rc. The allied superstition of thinking it unlucky to wear clothes gnawed by mice is laughed out of court in the Mangala Gataka, No. 87. * Aggi-homa»z. Telling people that a sacrifice, if offered in a fire of such and such a wood, will have such and such a result. 5 Dabbi-homaw. Telling people that an oblation of such and such grains, butter, or so on, poured into the fire from such and such a sort of spoon, will have such and such a result. 6 See Hillebrandt, 'Neu und Vollmondsopfer,' pp. 31, 171, and 1 Ritual-literatur ' in Biihler's ' Grundriss,' pp. 71, 72, 114, 176. The nine homas here objected to mav also be compared with the seven at Ath.-veda VIII, 9, 18. 7 No instance of this can be traced in the books of the Brahmans. 8 Compare the passage in Hillebrandt, in Biihler's 'Grundriss,' (16) Looking at the knuckles, &c, and, after muttering a charm, divining whether a man is well born or lucky or not !. (17) Determining whether the site, for a proposed house or pleasance, is lucky or not 2. (18) Advising on customary law 3. (19) Laying demons in a cemetery 4.

(20) Laying ghosts 6. (21) Knowledge of the charms to be used when lodging in an earth house °. p. 176, on the use of blood for sorcery. In one passage, Rig-vidh. Ill, 18, 3, it is one's -own blood that is to be used. But the specific interpretation given here by Buddhaghosa cannot be paralleled from the Brahmanical books. 1 Anga-vi^S. Buddhaghosa thus separates this from the angam of No. 1. In both the passages Gat. II, 200, 250 the knowledge is simply that of judging from a man's appearance that he is rough or bad, and it is the good man in the story (in the second case the Bodisat himself) who is the anga-vi^a-paMako. So at Gat. V, 458 it is by anga-vi^a that the Bodisat prophesies that a man will be cruel. 2 Vatthu-vi^a. Childers (Diet., p. 559) has 'pool' instead of 1 house,' having misread sara for ghara (s and gh are nearly alike in Sinhalese). The craft is further explained by Buddhaghosa in his comment on the Mahd-parinibbana Sutta I, 26. Its success depended on the belief that the sites were haunted by spirits. See further below, § 27. 3 Khatta-vi^a. The Burmese MSS. correct the rare khatta into the familiar khetta. Khetta-vi^a indeed occurs at Ud. Ill, 9, and may just possibly there (in connection with writing, arithmetic, tables, &c.) be correct in the meaning of ' land-surveying, mensuration.' Buddhaghosa, though his explanation is corrupt, evidently understands the phrase in a sense similar to that of khatta-dhamma at Gat. V, 489, 490; Mil. 164 (see also 178); and his gloss nltisatthaw/ is probably nearer the mark than Sahkara's (on JC/o.nd. Up. VII, 1, 2), which is dhanur-veda. It is the craft of government, then lying in great part in adhering to custom.

The Sutta only follows the Upanishad in looking at all these crafts as minor matters, but it goes beyond it in looking upon them as a ' low ' way, for a Brahman, of gaining a livelihood. 4 Siva-vi^a. It is clear that siva is used euphemistically, and we may here have an early reference to what afterwards developed into the cult of the god .Siva. Buddhaghosa gives an alternative explanation as knowledge of the cries of jackals. 6 Bhuta-vi^a. Also in the JfMndogya. list (Joe. eit). 6 Bhuri-vi^a. It is the same as bhuri-kammawz, explained in the same way by Buddhaghosa on § 27 below. 7 Ahi-vi^a. One method is described at Gat. IV, 457, 8. (23) The poison craft l. (24) The scorpion craft2. (25) The mouse craft 2. (26) The bird craft3. (27) The crow craft 4. number of years that a man has yet to live. (29) Giving charms to ward off arrows 6. (30) The animal wheel 6 — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts." 22. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by low arts, such as these —

Knowledge of the signs of good and bad qualities in the following things and of the marks in them denoting the health or luck of their owners : — to wit, gems 7, staves, garments, swords, arrows, bows, other weapons, women 8, men 8, boys 8, girls 8, slaves, slavegirls, elephants, horses, buffaloes, bulls, oxen, goats9, sheep9, fowls9, quails9, iguanas9, earrings10, tortoises, and other animals — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts." 23. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses Perhaps such charms against snake bite as Ath.-v. V, 13 ; VI, 12, 56 ; VII, 88, are included. 1 Buddhaghosa says curing or giving poison, or poison spells (compare Ath.-v. VI, 90, 93, 100). 2 These are explained to mean simply curing the bites of these creatures. 3 Understanding their language. 4 Divining by the appearance and the cawings of crows. 5 Compare the Amba/Ma-vi^a" at Sum. 255 and below, p. 96 of the text, § 23. 8 Miga-£akka;«. Understanding the language of all creatures. 7 The whole of this ' low art ' as applied to gems has been collected in a series of manuals now edited by L. Finot in his 'Lapidaires Indiens,' Paris, 1896.

8 The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell. 9 The art in these five cases is to say whether it is unclean or not to eat them. 10 This comes in here very oddly. But the old commentator had the same reading, and takes the word in its ordinary senses, not even as amulet. and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by low arts, such as soothsaying, to the effect that — [10] The chiefs will march out. The chiefs will march back. The home chiefs will attack, and the enemies' retreat. The enemies' chiefs will attack, and ours will retreat. The home chiefs will gain the victory, and the foreign chiefs suffer defeat. The foreign chiefs will gain the victory, and ours will suffer defeat * — Thus will there be victory on this side, defeat on that — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts.'' 24. ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by such low arts as foretelling —

(1) There will be an eclipse of the moon. (2) There will be an eclipse of the sun. (3) There will be an eclipse of a star (Nakshatra) 2. (4) There will be aber- ration of the sun or the moon. (5) The sun or the moon will return to its usual path. (6) There will be aberrations of the stars. (7) The stars will return to their usual course 3. 1 Throughout these paragraphs the plural is used. This cannot be honorific, as the few great kings of that time are always spoken of in the singular. Yet all the previous translators, except Burnouf, translate by the singular — 'the king will march out,' &c. It is evident that we have to understand ' chiefs/ and not the ' king ' : and that not absolute monarchies, but republican institutions of .a more or less aristocratic type, were in the mind of the composer of the paragraph. 2 Nakkhatta, translated by Gogerly and Neumann a 'planet.' Buddhaghosa explains it by ' Mars and so on.' This may apply to planets, but also to stars in general, and I know no other passage where the meaning of the word is confined to planets. Burnouf has 'constellation,' but what can the eclipse of a constellation mean?

s Patha-gamana and uppatha-gamana. Prof. Kielhorn says (in a note he has been kind enough to send me on this section): ' What the author means by these words I do not know. But rising and setting, clearness and dimness, of the sun or the moon or the stars 3, or foretelling of each of these fifteen phenomena that they will betoken such and such a result " [11] (8) There will be a fall of meteors 1. (9) There will be a jungle fire 2. (10) There will be an earthquake. (11) The god will thunder. (12-15) There will be 25. 'Or he might say: "Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by low arts, such as these : — Foretelling an abundant rainfall. Foretelling a deficient rainfall. Foretelling a good harvest. Foretelling scarcity of food. Foretelling a healthy season. Counting on the fingers 4: uppatha-gamana would be literally "aberration, the going away from one's proper path"; and patha-gamana therefore should be " following one's proper course." I am sure the two words could not mean conjunction and opposition ; nor, I think, ascension and declension. It is curious that Buddhaghosa has not explained them.'

1 Ukka-pato. See Gat. I, 374; Mil. 178. 2 Disa-daho. 'Thunder and lightning,' according to Neumann; ' fiery confiscations in the atmosphere,' according to Gogerly, whom Burnouf follows. But Buddhaghosa's words are only explicable of a jungle fire. Compare Gat. I, 212, 213, 374. 3 Burnouf takes these four words to refer to four occurrencesGogerly and Neumann take them as only two. Buddhaghosa seems to imply four. * Mud da. There has been great diversity in the various guesses madfe at the meaning in this connection of mudda, which usually means ' seal ' or ' seal-ring.' Gogerly has ' conveyancing,' and so also Childers ; Burnouf takes this word and the next as one compound in the sense of foretelling the future 'by calculating diagrams'; and Neumann has ' Verwaltungsdienste,' administrative services. Buddhaghosa is very curt. He says only hattha-mudda gawana. Hatthamudda is found elsewhere only at Gat. Ill, 528, where hattha- Counting without using the fingers l. Summing up large totals 2. Composing ballads, poetizing 3. Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts." 26. ' Or he might say : " Whereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, earn their living by wrong means of livelihood, by low arts, such as —

aiuddaw karoti means 'to beckon,' and at Vin. V, 163, where it is said of the polite member of the Order that he makes no sign with his hand, nor beckons. (On hattha-vikara compare Mil. I, 207, 547=Vin. I, i57=Vin. II, 216.) Both these passages are much later than our text, and the sense of beckoning is here impossible. But mudda is mentioned as a craft at Vin. IV, 7 (where it is called honourable), at M. I, 85, and several times in the Milinda (pp. 3, 59, 78, 178 of the Pali text), and muddiko as the person who practises that craft at D. I, 51 and Vin. IV, 8. The Sinhalese comment on this (quoted in my translation of the Milinda, I, 91) shows that the art there was simply arithmetic, using the joints or knuckles of the fingers as an aid to memory. And this is no doubt the meaning in our paragraph. 1 Ganana. Buddhaghosa's comment on this is a££^iddakagawana, in contradistinction to the last. It is evidently calculation not broken up by using the fingers, mental arithmetic pure and simple. The accountant who uses this method is called gawako (D. I, 51 ; Vin. IV, 8). Buddhaghosa's comment on the fetter passage is given by Minayeff at Pat. 84, but with a wrong reading, akkhi*rc/aka.

2 Satfzkhanazra, literally 'counting up.' He who has the faculty of doing this can, on looking at a tree, say how many leaves it has, says Buddhaghosa. But the first words of his comment are doubtful. He may perhaps mean calculating masses by means of the rosary. Burnouf skips this word, and Neumann has simply ' counting.' 3 Kaveyya/rc. The word recurs, in a bad sense, at A. I, 72 = III, 107, and also at S. I, no in the phrase kaveyya-matto, 'drunk with prophecy, inspired.' Buddhaghosa enumerates, in the words of A. II, 23c, four kinds of poetry, and explains them in nearly the same words as found in the Manoratha Purani on that passage. None of the four refer to sacrificial hymns. Impromptu rhyming, ballad singing, and the composition of poems are meant. 4 Lokayatazrc. Usually rendered 'materialism.' But it is quite clear that this meaning is impossible in this connection. See Milinda 174. (1) Arranging a lucky day for marriages in which the bride or bridegroom is brought home '. (2) Arranging a lucky day for marriages in which the bride or bridegroom is sent forth 2. (3) Fixing a lucky time for the conclusion of treaties of peace [or using charms to procure harmony] 3.

(4) Fixing a lucky time for the outbreak of hostilities [or using charms to make discord] 3. (5) Fixing a lucky time for the calling in of debts [or charms for success in throwing dice] 3. (6) Fixing a lucky time for the expenditure of money [or charms to bring ill luck to an opponent throwing dice] 3. (7) Using charms make people lucky 4. (8) Using charms make people unlucky. (9) Using charms procure abortion. (10) Incantations bring on dumbness. (11) Incantations to keep a man's jaws fixed. (12) Incantations to make a man throw up his hands. (13) Incantations to bring on deafness5. 1 Compare the Sinhalese bin a marriage in which the bridegroom is brought into the house of the bride's family. 2 Compare the Sinhalese diga marriage in which the bride is sent out to live in the bridegroom's family. We have no words now in English to express this difference between marrying and giving in marriage. 3 Sa/ravadanawz. Childers calls this a magic art, following Burnouf who calls it sorcery. Buddhaghosa explains it as astrology. The fact is all these expressions are technical terms for acts of astrology or sorcery, they none of them occur elsewhere either in Pali or Sanskrit, and the tradition preserved by Buddhaghosa may be at fault in those cases in which the use of the word had not survived to later times. The general sense may be sufficiently clear, but for absolute certainty of interpretation we must wait till examples are found in Indian books of the actual use of the words, not in mere lists, but in a connection which shows the meaning. Ath.-v. Ill, 30 is a charm to secure concord in a family, compare VII, 52 ; and there are several charms in the Atharva-veda for success in gambling.

4 Subhaga-karanazw. Many such charms are preserved in the Atharva-veda (for instance, X, 3 ; 5 ; XVI, 4 ; 9). 5 It would be useless to seek in the Atharva-veda, which (with the one exception mentioned in the notes to the next section) gives only the charms which are supposed to bring benefits, for instances of (14) Obtaining oracular answers by means of the magic mirror '. (15) Obtaining oracular answers through a girl possessed2. (16) Obtaining oracular answers from a god (17) The worship of the Sun 4. (18) The worship of the Great One 5. (19) Bringing forth flames from one's mouth. (20) Invoking Siri, the goddess of Luck 6 — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts." these malevolent practices. But we have here direct evidence that black magic, as was indeed inevitable, was as fully trusted in the sixth century B.C. in the valley of the Ganges as white. We need not be surprised that the malevolent charms are not recorded. 1 Adasa-pa«Ao. Buddhaghosa says they made a god appear in the mirror and answer questions put. It is a later conception to discard the god, and make the mirror itself give pictures of the hidden events. The mirror is of metal (Par. Dip. 235).

2 Kumari-paw^o. Through a girl of good family and repute. 3 Deva-pa«^o. Also obtained through a girl, but this time a deva-dasi or temple prostitute. It is instructive to find, even under the patriarchal regime of the sixth century b. e., that men thought they could best have communications from the gods through the medium of a woman. 4 Adi££upa/Manam. Such sun-worship is ridiculed in the Gataka of the same name, No. 173. 6 Buddhaghosa explains the Great One as MahS Brahmi. This seems to me very doubtful. It is at least odd to find Brahmi introduced in this connection. We may grant that the Buddhists mighl have put sun-worship into a list of sorceries, but there was no ceremonial cult of Brahma and little or none of Brahma. And however much the new gospel might hold the speculations of the dominant theosophy in contempt, that would scarcely explain their being ranked as privates in this regiment. Burnout avoids this by rendering the phrase generally ' serving the great,' and Neumann has ' practising sorcery.' Neither of these guesses seems happy. Ma hat in composition is elsewhere always maha in Pali, and we possibly have here a sandhi for mahati-upa//^ana/w, in the sense of worship of the Great Mother, the Earth, with covert allusion to mahf. This would give excellent sense, as the worship of the Mother Earth was closely associated in the popular mind with witchcraft. A god or goddess is certainly meant, and one so associated would be best in place here. It is perhaps worthy of note that in the oldest portion of the Taittiriya Upanishad, Sun, Moon, Earth, and Sri occur together in a set of mystic groups, and Sun, Moon, Brahma, and food are all identified by a word-play with Mahas (Sikya-valli 4-7).

e See Milinda 191, and Gat. II, 410. [12] 27. ' Or he might say and Brahmans, while living faithful, earn their living by by low arts, such as these :- (1) Vowing gifts to a god if a certain benefit be granted. (2) Paying such vows. (3) Repeating charms while lodging in an earth house l. (4) Causing virility 2. (5) Making a man impotent 2. (6) Fixing on lucky sites for dwellings 3. (7) Consecrating sites 3. (8) Ceremonial rinsings of the month. (9) Ceremonial bathings 4. (10) Offering sacrifices. (11-14) Administering (15) Purging people to relieve the head (that is : " Whereas some recluses on food provided by the wrong means of livelihood, by giving drugs to make people sneeze). (16) Oiling people's ears (either to make them grow or to heal sores on them). (1 7) Satisfying people's eyes (soothing them by dropping medicinal oils into them). (18) Administering drugs through the nose 6. (19) Applying collyrium to the eyes. (20) Giving medical ointment for the eyes. (21) Practising as an oculist. (22) Practising as a surgeon. (23) Practising as a doctor for children. 1 Bhuri-kammara. Is this a place sacred to Mother Earth? The ceremony referred to is the carrying out of the vi^a or craft mentioned in the list at § 21.

2 Vassa- and vossa-kammawz. Morris discusses the etymology of these words, only found in this list, in the J. P. T. S., 1889, p. 208. The idea of the second is not, of course, castration, but making a man's desire to fail by a spell. Several such are preserved in the Atharva (IV, 4; VI, 101 to give virility; VI, 138; VII, 113 to cause impotence). 8 Vatthu-kammawj and -parikirawaw. These constitute the vatthu-vig^a. of § 21. * Bathings, that is, of other people. B See Mil. I, 511 and the rules laid down in 'Vinaya Texts,' II, 53-55- (24) Administering (25) Administering me- roots and drugs. dicines in rotation * — Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such low arts." ' These, brethren, are the trifling matters, the minor details, of mere morality, of which the unconverted man, when praising the Tathagata, might speak.' Here end the Long Paragraphs on Conduct. 28. ' There are, brethren, other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise 2. These things the Tathagata, having himself realised them and seen them face to face, hath set forth ; and it is of them that they, who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.

' And what are they ? 29. ' There are recluses and Brahmans, brethren, who reconstruct the ultimate beginnings of things, whose speculations are concerned with the ultimate past 3, and who on eighteen grounds put forward various 1 The Buddhist view of Nos. 11-25 must not be mistaken. It is sufficiently clear from the numerous examples in the Vinaya (see especially 'Vinaya Texts,' II, pp. 41-144), and from the high praise accorded to (Jivaka and other physicians, that the objection was to recluses and Brahmans practising medicine as a means of livelihood. They might do so gratis for themselves or for their coreligionists, and laymen might do so for gain. The use of pa/imokkha in No. 25 is curious. It is when, for instance, a purgative is first given and then a tonic to counteract the other, to set free from its effect. Compare Gat. V, 25. 2 The corresponding Sanskrit terms occur at Divyavadana, p. 492. No doubt the reading there ought to be nipu/zo. 3 These phrases recur S. Ill, 45. On anuddi/7^i see also Gogerly in the 'Ceylon Friend,' 1875, p. 133, and Morris in the J. P. T. S., 1886, p. 113; and compare attanuddi/Mi at Mil. 146, 160, 352; S. N. 1 1 19. As in cur colloquial expression a 'viewy man,' di/Mi almost always, and anudi/Mi in all the seven passages where it occurs, have a connotation of contempt — a mere view, an offhand illconsidered opinion, a delusion. The Greek 86$a has had a similar history, and dogma or speculation is a better rendering than view or belief.

assertions regarding it. [18] And about what, with reference to what, do those venerable ones do so ? 30. ' There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who are Eternalists \ and who, on four grounds, proclaim that both the soul and the world are eternal. And about what, with reference to what, do those venerable ones do so ? 31. 'In the first place, brethren, some recluse or Brahman by means of ardour, of exertion, of application, of earnestness, of careful thought, reaches up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, he calls to mind his various dwelling-places in times gone by — in one birth, or in two, or three, or four, or five, or ten, or twenty, or thirty, or forty, or fifty, or a hundred, or a thousand, or in several hundreds or thousands or laks of births — to the effect that " There I had such and such a name, was of such and such a lineage2 and caste3, lived on such and such food, experienced such and such pains and pleasures, had such and such a span of years. And when I fell from thence I was reborn in such and such a place under such and such a name, in such and such a lineage and caste, living on such and such food, experiencing such and such pains and pleasures, with such and such a span of years. And when I fell from thence I was reborn here." Thus does he recollect, in full detail both of condition and of custom, his various dwelling-

2 G otr a, literally ' cow-stall.' The history of this word has yet to be written. It probably meant at the time this Sutta was written a family or lineage traced through the father. On the meaning of gotra^a (the gentiles of Roman Law) in the later law-books see West and Biihler, ' Hindu Law of Inheritance/ p. 171. 8 Va»«a, literally 'colour.' Gogerly renders it 'appearance,' and Neumann ' Beruf.' I have chosen caste (though it is not caste in its strictest sense) because it no doubt refers to the iattaro va»»a mentioned so often in the Suttas. It is true that these — Khattiyas, Brahmans, Vessas, and Suddas — were not castes, but four divisions of the people, each consisting of many subdivisions (by customs as to connubium and commensality) which afterwards hardened into castes. See J. R. A. S., 1897, pp. 180-190. places in times gone by. [14] And he says to himself : " Eternal is the soul ; and the world, giving birth to nothing new, is stedfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed ; and though these living creatures transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they are for ever and ever. And why must that be so ? Because I, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, can reach up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, I can call to mind, and in full detail both of condition and of custom, my various dwelling-places in times gone by — by that is it that I know this — that the soul is eternal ; and that the world, giving birth to nothing new, is stedfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed ; and that though these living creatures transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they are for ever and ever."

' This, brethren, is the first state of things on account of which, starting from which, some recluses and Brahmans are Eternalists, and maintain that both the soul and the world are eternal. 32. [The second case put is in all respects the same save that the previous births thus called to mind extend over a still longer period up to ten world aeons \] 33. [15] [The third case put is in all respects the same save that the previous births thus called to mind extend o /er a still longer period up to forty world aeons.] 34. [16] ' And in the fourth place, brethren, on what ground is it, starting from what, that those venerable ones are Eternalists, and maintain that the soul and the world are eternal. ,' In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman 1 Saw«va//a-viva//a/« (rolling up and evolution, from va//, to turn). It is the period of the gradual disintegration and conformation of a world. Needless to add that the length of this period cannot be expressed in figures. Neither the idea nor the word occurs in books known to be before the Buddha. But both are Indian rather than Buddhist. Sa/«varta is found in the Maha Bharata and the Ramayawa; and the later Sarikhya notion of pralaya is closely allied.

is addicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations and based on his sophistry ] ; " Eternal is the soul ; and the world, giving birth to nothing new, is stedfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed ; and these living creatures, though they transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they are for ever and ever." ' This, brethren, is the fourth state of things on the ground of which, starting from which, some recluses and Brahmans are Eternalists, and maintain that the soul and the world are eternal. 35. ' These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who are Eternalists, and in four ways maintain that both the soul and the world are eternal. For whosoever of the recluses and Brahmans are such and maintain this, they do so in these four ways, or in one or other of the same, and outside these there is no way in which this opinion is arrived at. 36. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. [17] That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) 2 ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart 3, realised the way of escape from them 4, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on ; and not grasping after any (of

1 This phrase recurs below, chap, iii, §§ 14, 20. 2 Sila, for instance, and samadhi, and all the other things known to a Buddha, says Buddhaghosa, p. 108. 3 ~Pa.kka.ttam. See the common phrases A. II, 198 = 8. I, 9, 10, 117; M. I, 188 = 422; M. I, 251, 252 = S. Ill, 54, &c. ; and S. N. 611,906; Mil. 96, 347; Sum. 182. ' Without depending on any one else, himself by himself,' says Buddhaghosa. 4 Nirvana, says Buddhaghosa. those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free *. 37. 'These2, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.' Here ends the First Portion for Recitation. 1. 'There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who are Eternalists with regard to some things, and in regard to others Non-Eternalists ; who on four grounds maintain that the soul and the world are partly eternal and partly not.

'And what is it that these venerable ones depend upon, what is it that they start from, in arriving at this conclusion ? 2. ' Now there comes a time, brethren, when, sooner or later, after the lapse of a long long period, this world-system passes away. And when this happens beings have mostly been reborn in the World of Radiance, and there they dwell made of mind, feeding on joy, radiating light from themselves, traversing the air, continuing in glory ; and thus they remain for a long long period of time. 3. 'Now there comes also a time, brethren, when, 1 Gogerly (pp. 77, 78 in Grimblot) has made a sad mess of this paragraph, misunderstanding the grammatical construction of the first clause, and misinterpreting paramasati in the second, and nis-r sara«a/» in the third. * Not of course the four speculations, but the higher knowledge which has led him to reject them. sooner or later, this world-system begins to re-evolve. When this happens the Palace of Brahma appears, but it is empty. And some being or other, either because his span of years has passed or his merit is exhausted, falls from that World of Radiance, and comes to life in the Palace of Brahma. And there also he lives made of mind, feeding on joy, radiating light from himself, traversing the air, continuing in glory ; and thus does he remain for a long long period of time.

4. ' Now there arises in him, from his dwelling there so long alone, a dissatisfaction and a longing : " O ! would that other beings might come to join me in this place ! " And just then, either because their span of years had passed or their merit was exhausted, other beings fall from the World of Radiance, and appear in the Palace of Brahma as companions to him, and in all respects like him. [18] 5. ' On this, brethren, the one who was first reborn thinks thus to himself: " I am Brahma, the Great Brahma, the Supreme One, the Mighty, the All-seeing, the Ruler, the Lord of all, the Maker, the Creator, the Chief of all, appointing to each his place, the Ancient of days, the Father of all that are and are to be *. These other beings are of my creation. And why is that so ? A while ago I thought, ' Would that they might come ! ' And on my mental aspiration, behold the beings came." 'And those beings themselves, too, think thus: " This must be Brahma, the Great Brahma, the Supreme, the Mighty, the All-seeing, the Ruler, the Lord of all, the Maker, the Creator, the Chief of all, appointing to each his place, the Ancient of days, the Father of all that are

1 This string of epithets recurs at M. I, 327 in the course of the story of the Brahma, named Baka, who is represented as coming to the very conclusion set out in our section. The story was a favourite one. and three recensions of it have been preserved (M. I, 326-331 ; S. I, 142-144, and Gat. No. 405). Mr.' Crow evidently considered himself the Maha Brahma of the period. The omission in the Dialogue of all reference to the Kesava Birth Story may be a sign of greater age or it may be due simply to the fact that it is not required for the argument there. and are to be. And we must have been created by him. And why ? Because, as we see, it was he who was here first, and we came after that." 6 ' On this, brethren, the one who first came into existence there is of longer life, and more glorious, and more powerful than those who appeared after him. And it might well be, brethren, that some being on his falling from that state, should come hither. And having come hither he might go forth from the household life into the homeless state. And having thus become a recluse he, by reason of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, reaches up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, he calls to mind his last dwelling-place, but not the previous ones. He says to himself: "That illustrious Brahma, the Great Brahmd, the Supreme One, the Mighty, the All-seeing, the Ruler, the Lord of all, the Maker, the Creator, the Chief of all, appointing to each his place, the Ancient of days, the Father of all that are and are to be, he by whom we were created, he is stedfast immutable eternal, of a nature that knows no change, and he will remain so for ever and ever. But we who were created by him have come hither as being impermanent mutable limited in duration of life.

[19] ' This, brethren, is the first state of things on account of which, starting out from which, some recluses and Brahmans, being Eternalists as to some things, and Non-eternalists as to others, maintain that the soul and the world are partly eternal and partly not. 7. 'And what is the second ? ' There are, brethren, certain gods called the " Debauched by Pleasure1." For ages they pass their time in the pursuit of the laughter and sport of sensual lusts. In consequence thereof their self-possession is corrupted, and through the loss of their self-control they fall from that state -. 1 Khio^/a-padosika. They are not mentioned elsewhere except in the list of gods in the Maha Samaya (p. 287). 2 Buddhaghosa on this has a curious note. The gods, though of great glory, are delicate in body. A man, having gone without food 8. ' Now it might well be, brethren, that some being, on his falling from that state, should come hither. And having come hither he should, as in the last case, become a recluse, and acquire the power of recollecting his last birth, but only his last one. 9. ' And he would say to himself: " Those gods who -are not debauched by pleasure are stedfast, immutable, eternal, of a nature that knows no change, and they will remain so for ever and ever. [20] But we — who fell from that state, having lost our self-control through being debauched by pleasure — we have come hither as being impermanent, mutable, limited in duration of life."

10. ' And what is the third ? ' There are, brethren, certain gods called " the Debauched in Mind V They burn continually with envy2 one against another, and being thus irritated, their hearts become ill-disposed towards each other, and being thus debauched, their bodies become feeble, and their minds imbecile. And those gods fall from that state. 11. 'Now it might well be, brethren, that some for seven days even, may restore his strength by the use of clear broth and so on. But the gods can't play tricks with themselves ; and if they lose their heads and forget their meal-times, they die — pass away from that state. The poor gods ! Whether this be really implied in the text or not, it is at least in harmony with the irony of the Buddha's talk. 1 Mano-padosika. Only found here and in the list in the Samaya Sutta. Even there it is almost certainly merely taken from this passage, so that it looks very much as if both these classes or .titles of gods were simply invented, in irony, for the sake of the argument. Buddhaghosa identifies this class with the retinue of the Four Great Kings — that is the regents of the four quarters.

2 Upani^Myanti, from ^Myati, to bum. Elsewhere found only at Vin. I, 193; II, 269; III, 118, in all which passages it has the connotation of ' covet, lust after.' Buddhaghosa takes it here in the sense of envy, and tells a tale, too long to quote, to show the quarrelsome nature of these gods. In the sense of 'consider' (from ,^Myati, to think) the word has only been found at S. N., p. 143. There may have been confusion between the two homonyms, so that ours got to mean ' to consider in such a way as to be excited, to burn.' being, on his falling from that state, should come hither ; and having become a recluse should, as in the other cases, acquire the power of recollecting his last birth, but only his last one. 12. 'And he would say to himself: "Those gods who are not debauched in mind do not continually burn with envy against each other, so their hearts do not become evil disposed one towards another, nor their bodies feeble and their minds imbecile. Therefore they fall not from that state ; they are stedfast, immutable, eternal, of a nature that knows no change, and they will remain so for ever and ever. [21] But we were corrupted in mind, being constantly excited by envy against one another. And being thus envious and corruot our bodies became feeble, and our minds imbecile, and we fell from that state, and have come hither as being impermanent, mutable, limited in duration of life."

' This, brethren, is the third case. 1 3. ' And what is the fourth ? ' In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman isaddicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations and based on his sophistry : " This which is called eye and ear and nose and tongue and body is a self which is impermanent, unstable, not eternal, subject to change. But this which is called heart, or mind, or consciousness is a self which is permanent, stedfast, eternal, and knows no change, and it will remain for ever and ever V * This, brethren, is the fourth state of things, on the ground of which, starting from which, some recluses 1 Buddhaghosa explains that these speculators perceive how the organs of sense break up (and sense impressions pass away) ; but they fail to see that the same thing holds even more strongly in the case of thoughts, since no sooner has each mental impression given rise to the succeeding one than it passes away. Not perceiving that, and depending on the analogy of birds, who fly away from one tree only to alight on another, they conclude that the mind, when this individuality is broken up, goes (as a unity) elsewhere.

and Brahmans are Semi-eternalists, and in four ways maintain that the soul and the world are in some respects eternal, and in some not. 14. 'These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who are Semi-eternalists, and in four ways maintain that the soul and the world are eternal in some cases and not in others. For whosoever of the recluses and Brahmans are such and maintain this, they do so in these four ways or in one or other of the same ; and outside these there is no way in which this opinion is arrived at. [22] 15. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge, he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free.

' These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.' 1 6. ' There are, brethren, certain recluses and Brahmans who are Extensionists 1, and who in four ways set forth the infinity or finiteness of the world. And 1 Antanantika. D 2 on what ground, starting out from what, do these venerable ones maintain this ? 17. 'In the first case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, reaches up to such rapture of heart that he, rapt in heart, dwells in the world imagining it finite. And he says thus to himself: "Finite is the world, so that a path could be traced round it1. And why is this so? Since I, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, can reach up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, I dwell in the world perceiving it to be finite — by that I know this."

' This, brethren, is the first case. 1 8. ' The second case is similar, only that the conclusion is: [23] "Infinite is the world without a limit. Those recluses and Brahmans who say it is finite, so that a path could be traced round it, are 19. 'The third case is similar, only that the conclusion is that he imagines the world limited in the upward and downward directions, but infinite across ; he declares both the former conclusions to be wrong. 20. 'In the fourth case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman is addicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations and based on his sophistry: "This world is neither finite nor yet infinite. Those recluses and Brahmans who maintain either the first, or the second, or the third conclusion, are wrong. [24] Neither is the world finite, nor is it infinite." 4 This, brethren, is the fourth case. 1 Pariva/umo. Only found here. Buddhaghosa says nothing. 2 According to Buddhaghosa (Ats. 160) there are four things that are infinite — space, the number of world-systems, the number of living creatures, and the wisdom of a Buddha. Had this doctrine formed part of the original Buddhism we should expect to find these £att&ri anantani in the chapter on the 'Fours' in the Ahguttara, but I do not find them there.

21. 'These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who are Extensionists, and in four ways maintain that the world is finite or infinite. For whosoever of the recluses and Brahmans are such, and maintain this, they do so in these four ways or in one or other of the same ; and outside these there is no way in which this opinion is arrived at. 22. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free. ' These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.'

23. 'There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who wriggle like eels ; and when a question is put to them on this or that they resort to equivocation, to eel-wriggling, and this in four ways. • Now on what ground, starting out from what, do those venerable ones do so ? 24. ' In the first place, brethren, some recluse or Brahman does not understand the good in its real nature, nor the evil. And he thinks : " 1 neither know the good, as it really is, nor the evil. [25] That being so, were I to pronounce this to be good or that to be evil, I might be influenced therein by my feelings or desires, by illwill or resentment. And under these circumstances I might be wrong ; and my having been wrong might cause me the pain of remorse ; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me 1." Thus fearing and abhorring the being wrong in an expressed opinion, he will neither declare anything to be good, nor to be bad ; but on a question being put to him on this or that, he resorts to eel-wriggling, to equivocation, and says: " I don't take it thus. I don't take it the other way. But I advance no different opinion. And I don't deny your position. And I don't say it is neither the one, nor the other V

' This is the first case. ' And what is the second ? 25. [The same, reading] '. . . " Under these circumstances I might fall into that grasping condition of heart which causes rebirth ; and my so falling might cause me the pain of remorse ; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me." [26] Thus fearing and abhorring the falling into that state 3, he will neither declare (&c, as in § 24). ' This is the second case. ' And what is the third ? 26. [The same, reading] ' And he thinks : " I neither know the good, as it really is, nor the evil. Now there are recluses and Brahmans who are clever, subtle, experienced in controversy, hair-splitters, who go about, methinks, breaking to pieces by their wisdom 1 'Either in self-training or in the attainment of bliss in heaven,' says Buddhaghosa (p. 115). 8 Buddhaghosa gives examples of these five equivocations. 3 Buddhaghosa explains that if, in his ignorance, he should, by chance, declare the good to be good, he will be puffed up by the approval of the wise. But if he should blunder, he will be filled with vexation and illwill when his error is pointed out. Either of these states of mind will be the fuel to keep the fire burning, the state technically called Up ad an a, 'grasping.'

the speculations of others. Were I to pronounce this to be good, or that to be evil, these men might join issue with me, call upon me for my reasons, point out my errors. And on their doing so, I might be unable to explain 1. And that might cause me the pain of remorse ; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me." Thus fearing and abhorring the joinder of issue, he will neither declare (&c, as m§ 24). ' This is the third case. [27] ' And what is the fourth ? 27. 'In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman is dull, stupid. And it is by reason of his dullness, his stupidity, that when a question on this or that is put to him, he resorts to equivocation, to wriggling like an eql — " If you ask me whether there is another world, — well, if I thought there were, I would say so. But I don't say so. And I don't think it is thus or thus. And I don't think it is otherwise. And I don't deny it. And I don't say there neither is, nor is not, another world." Thus does he equivocate, and in like manner about each of such propositions as the follow-

a, (2) There is not another world. (3) There both is, and is not, another world. (4) There neither is, nor is not, another world. /?. (1) There are Chance Beings (so called because theyspringinto existence, either here or in another world, without the intervention of parents, and seem therefore to come without a cause). (2) There are no such beings/ (3) There both are, and are not, such beings. (4) There neither are, nor are not, such beings. y. (1) There is fruit, result, of good and bad actions. 1 Sampayati. See the note at ' Vinaya Texts,' III, 317, and compare M. I, 85, 96, 472. 2 Such questions are called elsewhere the common basis of discussions among Brahmans. (2) There is not. (3) There both is, and is not. (4) There neither is, nor is not. (1) A man who has penetrated to the truth l continues to exist after death. (2) He does not. (3) He both does, and does not. (4) He neither does, nor does not. 1 This, brethren, is the fourth case 2. [28] 28. ' These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who wriggle like eels ; and who, when a question is put to them on this or that, resort to equivocation, to eel-wriggling ; and that in four ways. For whosoever do so, they do so in these four ways, or in one or other of the same ; there is no other way in which they do so.

29. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free. ' These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, 1 The word here used is Tathagata, 'he who has gone, or perhaps come, to the truth.' See Chalmers in the J. R. A. S., Jan., 1898, and compare S. Ill, in, ij6-ii8; M. I, 140, 171, 486; S. N. 467. The use of sammaggato\D. I, 55, &;c.) and of gatatto (D. I, 57, &c.) shows that gata was used elliptically in the sense of ' gone to the furthest point aimed at ' among the followers of the other sects that arose at the same time as Buddhism. The exact derivation and history of the word Tathagata may be doubtful, but its meaning is, on the whole, clear enough.

2 This is the identical answer put below (p. 57 of the text) into the mouth of Sangaya. Bela/Maputta. sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.' 30. ' There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who are Fortuitous-Originists 1i and who in two ways maintain that the soul and the world arise without a cause. And on what ground, starting out from what, do they do so ? 31. ' There are, brethren, certain gods called Unconscious Beings 2. As soon as an idea occurs to them they fall from that state. Now it may well be, brethren, that a being, on falling from that state, should come hither ; and having come hither he might go forth from the household life* into the homeless state. And having thus become a recluse he, by reason of ardour and so on (as in the other cases) reaches up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, he calls to mind how that idea occurred to him, but not more than that. He says to himself: " Fortuitous

1 Adhi^a-samuppannika. This adhi^^a (which must be distinguished from the other adhi££a, derived from adhiyati, occurring at Gat. Ill, 2 18 = IV, 301) recurs at M. I, 443, where it is opposed in the sense of 'occasional' to abhi/zha at M. I, 442 in the sense of 'habitual.' Udana VI, 5 throws light on its use here. It is there associated with words meaning 'neither self-originated, nor created by others.' It is explained by Buddhaghosa on our passage (Sum. I, 118) as 'springing up without a cause.' The derivation is doubtful. 2 Asa««a-satta. They spring into being in this wise. Some one of the Brahman ascetics having practised continual meditation and arrived at the Fourth Ghana, sees the disadvantage attached to thinking, and says to himself: ' It is by dwelling on it in thought that physical pain and all sorts of mental terrors arise. Have done with this thinking. An existence without it were better. And dying in this belief he is reborn among the Unconscious Ones, who have form only, and neither sensations nor ideas nor predispositions nor consciousness. So long as the power of the Ghana lasts, so long do they last. Then an idea occurs to them — the idea of rebirth in this world — and they straightway die.

in origin are the soul and the world. And why so ? Because formerly I was not, but now am. Having not been, I have come to be." [29] 'This, brethren, is the first state of things on account of which, starting out from which, some recluses and Brahmans become Fortuitous-Originists, and maintain that the soul and the world arise without a cause. 32, 33. 'And what is the second ? ' In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman is addicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations, and based on his sophistry : " The soul and the world arose without a cause." ' This, brethren, is the second case. 34. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free. ' These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.'

[30] 35. • These, brethren, are the recluses and Brahmans who reconstruct the ultimate beginnings of things, whose speculations are concerned with the ultimate past, and who on eighteen grounds put forward various assertions regarding the past l. And those who do so, all of them, do so in one or other of these eighteen ways. There is none beside. 36. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tath&gata, is quite set free. ' These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.'

37. 'There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who arrange the future, whose speculations are concerned with the future, and who on forty-four grounds put forward various assertions regarding the future. And on account of what, starting out from what, do they do so ? 38. ' There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who [3l] hold the doctrine of a -conscious existence after death 2, and who maintain in sixteen ways that 1 See I, 1, 29 (p. 12 of the text). 2 Literally ' who are After-deathers, Conscious-maintainers.' These summary epithets are meant to be contemptuous, and the word chosen for death adds to the force of the phrase. It is not the usual word, the soul after death is conscious. And how do they do so ? ' They say of the soul : " The soul after death, not subject to decay, and conscious, (10) has various modes of consciousness, (u) has limited consciousness, (12) has infinite consciousness, ( 1 3) is altogetherhappy, (14) is altogether miserable, (1) has form \ (2) is formless 2, (3) has, and has not, form, (4) neither has, nor has not, form, (9) has one mode of consciousness, 39. 'These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who hold the doctrine of a conscious existence after death, and who maintain in sixteen ways that the soul after death is conscious. And those who do so, all of them, do so in one or other of these sixteen ways. There is none beside.

40. 'Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free. but aghatana (so read in the text), meaning literally 'shambles, place of execution.' The ordinary phrase would have been parammarawika. 1 So the A^ivakas, says Buddhaghosa. * So the Niga«//fas, says Buddhaghosa. 'These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak.'

Here ends the Second Portion for Recitation. [32] i. ' There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who hold the doctrine of an unconscious existence after death, and who maintain in eight ways that the soul after death is unconscious. And how do they do so ? 2. 'They say of the soul : "The soul after death, not subject to decay, and unconscious, (3) has, and has not, form, (4) neither has, nor has 3. ' These, brethren, are those recluses and Brahmans who hold the doctrine of an unconscious existence after death, and who maintain in eight ways that the soul after death is unconscious. And those who do so, all of them, do so in one or other of those eight ways. There is none beside. 4. ' Now of these, brethren, the Tathagata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) ; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart, realised the

way of escape from them, has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations, their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on, and not grasping after any (of those things men are eager for) he, the Tathagata, is quite set free. 1 These, brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathagata, havinof himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth ; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathagata in accordance with the truth, should speak. 5-8. [33] [Similar sections for those who maintain in eight ways that the soul after death is neither conscious nor unconscious.] 1 9. [34] * There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who are Annihilationists, who in seven ways maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being 2. And on account of what, starting out from what, do they do so ? 10. 'In the first place, brethren, some recluse or Brahman puts forth the following opinion, the following view ; " Since, Sir, this soul has form, is built up of the four elements, and is the offspring of father and mother, It is cut off, destroyed, on the dissolution of the body ; and does not continue after death ; and then, Sir, the soul is completely annihilated." Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being.

11. 'To him another says: "There is, Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the whole soul, Sir, is not then completely annihilated. For there is a further soul — divine, having form, belonging to the sensuous plane, feeding on solid food. That you neither know of nor perceive. But I know 1 §§ 9-18 are discussed by James UAlwis in 'Buddhist Nirvana,' p. 47. Comp. Jacobi, 'Jaina Sutras,' II, 236, 339. 2 Sato sattassa. Insert the word sato in the text (as in §§ 17, 19, 41, 42). The KaMa Upanishad I, 20 alludes to such belief. and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off and destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated." Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being. 12. 'To him another says: "There is, Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the whole soul, Sir, is not then completely annihilated. For there is a further soul — divine, having form, made of mind, with all its. major and minor parts complete, not deficient in any organ. This you neither know of nor perceive. But I know and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off and destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated." Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being.