Questions of King Milinda (Milindapañha)

282 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 16. in the man. It would be a virtue inherent in the cave that so mighty a downpour of rain could not wet the man. And just so, O king, is it with the virtue inherent in the felt presence of love that a man has called up in his heart ^' ^ This is no quibble. The early Buddhists did believe in the power of a subjective love over external circumstances. It is true that the best known instances in which this power is represented as having been actually exercised, are instances of the power of love over the hearts of other beings, and hence, indirectly, over their actions. Thus when Devadatta had had the fierce, manslaying elephant Nalagiri let loose against the Buddha (^ullavagga VII, 3, II, 12), Gotama is said to have permeated him with his love, and the elephant then went up to him only to salute him, and allowed himself to be stroked, and did no harm. And when the five disciples had intended, when he went to Benares, to show him no respect, the Buddha, in like manner, is said to have ' concentrated that feeling of his love which was able to pervade generally all beings in earth and heaven,' and to have ' directed it specially towards them.' Then ' the sense of his love diffused itself through their hearts. And as he came nearer and nearer, unable any longer to adhere to their resolve, they rose from their seats, and bowed down before him, and welcomed him with every mark of reverence and of respect' ('Buddhist Birth Stories,' vol. i, p. 112).

And when he wished to convert Ro^a the Mallian, the Buddha is said, in like manner, to have ' suffused him with the feeling of his love.' And then Ro^a, ' overcome by the Blessed One by the sense of his love— just as a young calf follows the kine, so did he go from apartment to apartment ' seeking the Blessed One (Mahavagga VI, 36, 4). And again, when the Bhikkhus told the Buddha of a brother having been killed by a snake-bite, he is represented (in the ^ullavagga V, 6) to have said : ' Now surely that brother had not let his love flow out over the four royal kinds of serpents. Had he done so, he would not have died of the bite of a snake.' And then he is said to have enjoined the use of a poem of love to snakes (set out in the text quoted) as a safeguard against snake-bite. This goes really much further than the other instances, but no case is given of that safeguard having been actually used successfully. And I know of no case in the Pali Pi/akas of the felt presence IV, 4, Ty. DEVADATTA. 283 ' Most wonderful is it, Nagasena, and most strange how the felt presence of love has the power of wardinij off all evil states of mind \'

' Yes ! The practice of love is productive of all virtuous conditions of mind both in good (beings) and in evil ones. To all beings whatsoever, who are in the bonds of conscious existence % is this practice of love of great advantage, and therefore ought it to be sedulously cultivated.' [Here ends the problem as to the power of love.] 1 7. ' Venerable Nagasena, is the consequence the same to him who does good and to him who does evil, or is there any difference in the two cases ? ' ' There is a difference, O king, between good and evil. Good works have a happy result, and lead to Sagga ^ and evil works have an unhappy result, and lead to Niraya ■*.' of the feeling of love being said to have actually counteracted either fire, or poison, or sword. It is noteworthy that the Sinhalese inserts here six pages (265-271) of matter not found in the Pali. But as it gives at length the story of Prince Sama, it is taken, I presume, from the Galaka book. ^ This is something quite different from what was said before. ^ Ye vi;7>?ana-baddha, sabbesaw, which the Sinhalese takes as a gloss on 'good and evil ones,' and renders vi«/7ana prati wii da. But I prefer Mr. Trenckner's punctuation.

' That is to a temporary life in heaven. * That is to life in a temporary hell (or purgatory). 284 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 18. ' But, venerable Nagasena, your people say that Devadatta was altogether wicked, full of wicked dispositions, and that the Bodisat^ was altogether pure, full of pure dispositions^. And yet Devadatta, through successive existences ^, was not only quite equal to the Bodisat, but even sometimes superior to him, both in reputation and in the number of his adherents. 18. 'Thus, Nagasena, Vv^hen Devadatta became the Purohita (family Brahman, royal chaplain) of Brahmadatta, the king, in the city of Benares, then the Bodisat was a wretched A"a;z^/ala (outcast)^ who knew by heart a magic spell. And by repeating his spell he produced mango fruits out of season l This ^ Bodhi-satto (Wisdom-Child). The individual who (through virtue practised in successive li . es) was becoming the Buddha. "^ 'Wicked' and 'pure' are in the Pali ka/zhe and sukka, literally, ' dark ' and ' light.' The only other passage I recollect where these names of colours are used in an ethical sense is the 87th verse of the Dhammapada. Professor Max Miiller there renders : ' A wise man should lea- e the d.,rk state (of ordinary life), and follow the bright state (of the Bhikshu),' (S. B.E., vol. x, p. 26.) But the words should certainly be translated : ' A wise man should put away wicked dispositions, and cultivate purity of heart.' Bhavetha could never refer to adopting or following any outward profession. It is exclusively used of the practice, cultivation, of inward feelings. And the commentary, which is quoted by Professor Fausboll, takes the passage in the Dhammapada in that sense, just as Hina/i-kumbure (p. 271) does here.

^ Bhave bhave, which would be more accurately rendered 'in the course of his gradual becoming.' ^ ^avaka-/('a;/f/ala. The A'a/zt/alas are a well-known caste still existing in India — if indeed that can rightly be called a caste which is beneath all others. A7/avaka is not in Childers, but is applied below (p. 256 of our text) to Mara, the Buddhist Satan. See also the next note. ^ This is not a summary of the 309th G^ataka, for it differs from that story as pubhshed by Professor Fausboll (vol. iii, pp. is one case in which the Bodisat was inferior to Devadatta in birth, [201] inferior to him in reputation.' 19. 'And again, when Devadatta became a king,. a mighty monarch of the earth \ hving in the enjoyment of all the pleasures of sense, then the Bodisat was an elephant, decked with all manner of ornaments that the king might make use of them. And the king, being put out of temper at the sight of his graceful and pleasant style of pace and motion, said to the elephant trainer with the hope of bringing about the death of the elephant : " Trainer, this elephant has not been properly trained, make him perform the trick called 'Sky walking.'" In that case too the Bodisat was inferior to Devadatta, — was a mere foolish animal ^.'

20. 'And again, when Devadatta became a man who gained his living by winnowing grain ^, then 217-30), and also from the older and shorter version contained in the Old Commentary on the Patimokkha (on the 69th Sakhiya, Vinaya IV, pp. 203, 204). [The name of that story in Professor FausboU's edition is X/^avaka-Gataka, but throughout the story itself the word A^aw^ala is used in the passages corresponding to those in which Professor FausboU has A'>^apaka (sic), — a coincidence which throws light on our author, A7/avaka-X'a;?r/ala.] The story here referred to is the Amba G^ataka (No. 474) in which the word AV/avaka does not occur. ^ ' Of Magadha,' says Hina/i-kumbure (p. 272). ^ This is the 122nd G'ataka, there called the Dummedha G'ataka. The king has the elephant taken to the top of the Vepulla mountain outside RiVagaha. Then having made him stand first on three feet, then on two, then on one, he demands of the trainer to make him stand in the air. Then the elephant flies away to Benares ! ' Pavane na////ayiko. But as Hina/i-kumbure renders all this : ' a farmer in Benares who gained his living by husbandry,' I would suggest pavanena /Mayiko as the right reading.

286 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 21. the Bodisat was a monkey called " the broad earth." Here again we have the difference between an animal and a man, and the Bodisat was inferior in birth to Devadatta \' 21. 'And again, when Devadatta became a man, by name So/^uttara, a Nesada (one of an outcast tribe of aborigines, who lived by hunting), and was of great strength and bodily power, like an elephant, then the Bodisat was the king of elephants under the name of the " Six-tusked." And in that birth, the hunter slew the elephant. In that case too Devadatta was the superior^,' 22. ' And again, when Devadatta became a man, a wanderer in the woods, without a home, then the Bodisat was a bird, a partridge who knew the Vedic hymns. And in that birth too the woodman killed the bird. So in that case also Devadatta was the superior by birth ^.' 23. 'And again, when Devadatta became the king of Benares, by name Kalabu, then the Bodisat was an ascetic who preached kindness to animals. And the king (who was fond of sport), enraged with the ascetic, had his hands and feet cut off like so many bambu sprouts ^ In that birth, too, Deva-

' I cannot unfortunately trace this story among the (ratakas. ^ I do not know which Gataka is here referred to. ^ This must be the 438th G^ataka, there called the Tittira Gataka. In the summary Devadatta is identified with the hypocritical ascetic who killed and ate the wise partridge. •* This is the 313th Gataka, there called the Khanti-vadi Gataka. The royal sportsman has first the skin, and then the hands and feet of the sage cut off, to alter his opinions. But the sage simply says that his love to animals is not in his skin, or in his limbs, but in his heart. Then the earth swallows up the cruel monarch, and the citizens bury the body of the sage with all honour. In the summary Kalabu, the king, is identified with Devadatta. datta was the superior, both in birth and in reputation amonor men.' 24. ' And again, when Devadatta became a man, a woodman, then the Bodisat was Nandiya the monkey king. And in that birth too the man killed the monkey, and his mother besides, and his younger brother. So in that case also it was Devadatta who was the superior in birth \'

25. 'And again, when Devadatta became a man, a naked ascetic, by name Karambhiya, then the Bodisat was a snake king called " the Yellow one." So in that case too it was Devadatta [202] who was the superior in birth ^.' 26. ' And again, when Devadatta became a man, a crafty ascetic with long matted hair, then the Bodisat was a famous pig, by name " the Carpenter." So in that case too it was Devadatta who was the superior in birth ".' 27. 'And again, when Devadatta became a king among the A'etas, by name Sura Pari/'ara ^, who had the power of travelling through the air at a level above men's heads ^, then the Bodisat was a Brah- ^ This is the 222nd G^ataka, there called the A^ula Nandiya Gataka. ^ This is probably the 518th Calaka. See Mr. Trenckner's note. ^ This must be the 492nd Cataka, the TaX-X7^a-sukara Cataka, in which the hero is a learned pig who helps the carpenter in his work, and the villain of the story is a hypocrite ascetic with matted hair. But it should be added that though in the summary (Fausboll, vol. iv, p. 350) Devadatta is identified with the ascetic, the Bodisat is identified, not widi the learned pig, but with the dryad.

* He is calletl UpaX-ara both in the 422nd Gataka (of which this is a summary) and in the Sumangala (p. 258). The Cataka (III, 454) also gives a third variation, Apa;('ara. ^ Purisamatto gagane vehasangamo. The Cataka says simply upari>('aro, which must mean about the same. 288 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 28. man named Kapila. So in that case too it was Devadatta who was the superior in birth and in reputation.' 28. ' And again, when Devadatta became a man, by name Sama, then the Bodisat was a king among the deer, by name Ruru. So in that case too it was Devadatta who was the superior in birth ^' 29. 'And again, when Devadatta became a man, a hunter wandering in the woods, then the Bodisat was a male elephant, and that hunter seven times broke off and took away the teeth of the elephant. So in that case too it was Devadatta who was the superior in respect of the class of beings into which he was born ^' 30. ' And again, when Devadatta became a jackal who wanted to conquer the world ", and brought the kings of all the countries in India under his control, then the Bodisat was a wise man, by name Vidhura. So in that case too it was Devadatta who was the superior in glory.'

31. 'And again, when Devadatta became the ^ This must be the 482nd (rataka. It is true that the man is there called Maha Dhanaka (Fausboll, vol. iii, p. 255), and the Bodisat is not specially named Ruru, nor is he a king of the herd, but is only a stag of the kind of deer called Ruru, who lives alone. But a comparison of the poetical version of the same story inthe A'ariya Pi/aka II, 6 (p. 87 of Dr. Morris's edition for the Pali Text Society) shows that the same story is here referred to. ^ This is the 72nd (7ataka, the Silava Naga G^ataka. (Fausboll, vol. i, p. 319.) ^ Khattiya-dhammo; literally, 'who had the nature of a Kshatriya.' This expression is not found in the 6^ataka referred to, No. 241 (vol. ii, p. 242 and foil, in Professor Fausboll's edition), and the Bodisat is there called purdhita not pawa'ita, and his name is not given as Vidhura. The jackal also came to grief in his attempt to conquer Benares. But there is no doubt as to that story, the Sabba DaMa Gataka being the one here quoted. elephant who destroyed the young of the Chinese partridge, then the Bodisat was also an elephant, the leader of his herd. So in that case they were both on a par K'

32. 'And again, when Devadatta became a yakkha, by name Unrighteous, then the Bodisat too w^as a yakkha, by name Righteous. So in that case too they were both on a par I' 33. 'And again, when Devadatta became a sailor, the chief of five hundred families, then the Bodisat too was a sailor, the chief of five hundred families. So in that case too they were both on a par-\' 34. ' And again, when Devadatta became a caravan leader, the lord of five hundred wao-eons, then the Bodisat too was a caravan leader, the lord of five hundred waggons. So in that case too they were both on a par ^.' 35. [203] ' And again, when Devadatta became a king of deer, by name Sakha, then the Bodisat was a king of deer, by name Nigrodha. So in that case too they were both on a par ^' 36. ' And again, when Devadatta became a commander-in-chief, by name Sakha, then the Bodisat ^ This is the 357th Cataka (Fausboll, vol. iii, pp. 174) and which is one of those illustrated on the Bharhut Tope (Cunningham, Plate 109). ^ In the Gataka text (No. 457, Fausboll, vol. iv, pp. 100 and foil), there are both devaputta, 'gods,' not yakkha. This is by no means the only instance of the term yakkha being used of gods.

* I cannot trace this story in the printed text of the (?atakas. * This is the Apa;;«aka Gataka (No. i, vol. i, pp. 98 and foil, in Professor Fausboll's edition), translated in the ' Buddhist Birth Stories,' vol. i, pp. 138-145. * The Nigrodha Miga Gataka (No. 12, vol. i, pp. 145 and foil, in Fausboll), translated in 'Buddhist Birth Stories,' vol. i, pp. 198 and following. 2 go THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 37. was a king, by name Nigrodha. So in that case too they were both on a par \' 37. 'And again, when Devadatta became a brahman, by name Kha;^(^ahala, then the Bodisat was a prince, by name A'anda. So in that case that Khd.nda.h^\a. was the superior^.' 38. 'And again, when Devadatta became a king, by name Brahmadatta, then the Bodisat was his son, the prince called Maha Paduma. In that case the king had his son cast down seven times, from the precipice from which robbers were thrown down. And inasmuch as fathers are superior to and above their sons, in that case too it was Devadatta was the superior ^.' 39. ' And again, when Devadatta became a king, by name Maha Patapa, then the Bodisat was his son. Prince Dhamma-pala ; and that king had the hands and feet and head of his son cut off. So in that case too Devadatta was the superior *.'

40. ' And now again, in this life, they were in the Sakya clan, and the Bodisat became a Buddha, all wise, the leader of the world, and Devadatta having left the world to join the Order founded by Him who is above the god of gods, and having attained to the powers of Iddhi, was filled with lust to become himself the Buddha. Come now, most venerable Nagasena ! Is not all that I have said true, and just, and accurate ? ' ^ The Nigrodha Gataka (No. 445, Fausboll, vol. iv, pp. 37 and foil.). 2 I cannot trace this story among the published G^atakas. 3 This is the MahS Paduma Cataka (No. 472, Fausboll, vol. iv, pp. 187-195). It was a case of Joseph and Potiphar's wife. * This tragical story is No. 358 in the Cataka collection (Fausboll, vol. iii, pp. 177-182). 41. 'All the many things which you, great king, have now propounded, are so, and not otherwise.' ' Then, Nagasena, unless black and white are the same in kind, it follows that good and evil bear equal fruit' * Nay, not so, great king ! Good and evil have not the same result. Devadatta was opposed by everybody. No one was hostile to the Bodisat. And the hostility which Devadatta felt towards the Bodisat, that came to maturity and bore fruit in each successive birth. And so also as Devadatta, when he was established in lordship over the world, [204] was a protection to the poor, put up bridges and courts of justice and rest-houses for the people, and gave gifts according to his bent to Sama;^as and Brahmans, to the poor and needy and the wayfarers, it was by the result of that conduct that, from existence to existence, he came into the enjoyment of so much prosperity. For of whom, O king, can it be said that without generosity and selfrestraint, without self-control and the observance of the Upasatha \ he can reach prosperity ?

' And when, O king, you say that Devadatta and the Bodisat accompanied one another in the passage from birth to birth, that meeting together of theirs took place not only at the end of a hundred, or a thousand, or a hundred thousand births, but was in fact constantly and frequently taking place through an immeasurable period of time ^. For you should regard that matter in the light of the comparison drawn by the Blessed One between the case of the ^ The Buddhist Sabbath, on which see my ' Manual of Buddhism,' pp. 139-141. ^ So also above, IV, 2, 64, and IV, 3, 28. 292 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 41. purblind tortoise and the attainment of the condition of a human being. And it was not only with Devadatta that such union took place. Sariputta the Elder also, O king, was through thousands of births the father, or the grandfather, or the uncle \ or the brother, or the son, or the nephew, or the friend of the Bodisat ; and the Bodisat was the father, or the grandfather, or the uncle, or the brother, or the son, or the nephew, or the friend of Sariputta the Elder.

* All beings in fact, O king, who, in various forms as creatures, are carried down the stream of transmigration, meet, as they are whirled along in it, both with pleasant companions and with disagreeable ones — ^just as water whirled along in a stream meets with pure and impure substances, with the beautiful and with the ugly. ' And when, O king, Devadatta as the god, had been himself Unrighteous, and had led others into unrighteousness of life, he was burnt in purgatory for an immeasurable period of time ^. [205] But the Bodisat, who, as the god, had been himself Righteous, and had led others into righteousness of life, lived in all the bliss of heaven for a like immeasurable period of time. And whilst in this life, Devadatta, who had plotted injury against the Buddha, and had created a schism in the Order, was swallowed up by the earth, the Tathagata, ^ That is ' father's younger brother.' The Pali has no word for uncle generally, the whole scheme of relationship being different from ours, and the various sorts of uncles having, in the Pali scheme, different and distinct names. ^ 'Fifty-seven ko/is and sixty hundreds of thousands of years,' says the text, with touching accuracy.

knowinor all that can be known, arrived at the insight of Buddhahood ^ and was completely set free (from the necessity of becoming) by the destruction of all that leads to re-existence.' ' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say ^Z [Here ends the dilemma as to Devadatta's superiority to the Bodisat in previous births.] ^ So Hina/i-kumbure, who takes sabbadhamme as accusative to hugg/iitva, and understands the phrase as above translated. 2 This discussion is very interesting, both as a specimen of casuistry, and as an exposition of orthodox Buddhist behef. And it is full of suggestion if taken as a statement of the kind of reason which led the Buddhist editors of the earlier folk-lore to identify Devadatta with the characters referred to by king INIilinda. But the facts are that those editors, in using the old stories and legends for their ethical purposes, always identified Devadatta with the cruel person in the story, and paid no heed to the question whether he w^as superior or not in birth or in the consideration of the world, to the person they identified with the Bodisat. In searching through the four volumes of the published Gatakas, and the proof-sheets of the fifth volume with which Professor Fausboll has favoured me, for the purpose of tracing the stories referred to by our author, I find that Devadatta appears in sixty-four of them, and that in almost every one of these sixty-four he is either superior in birth, or equal to the character identified with the Bodisat. This is not surprising, for it is not unusually the superiors in birth who are guilty of the kind of cruelty and wickedness which the Buddhist editors would ascribe to Devadatta. So that our author, had he chosen to do so, might have adduced many other instances of a similar kind to those he actually quotes. I add in an appendix the full list of the Devadatta stories in the Gatakas. It is clear our author had before him a version of the 6^ataka book slightly different from our own, as will be seen from the cases pointed out in the notes in which, as to names or details, the story known to him differs from the printed text. And also that here (as at III, 6, 2) he would have been able to solve his own dilemma much better if he had known more of the history of those sacred books on the words of which it is based.

294 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. TV, 4, 42. 42. ' Venerable Nagasena, it has been said by the Blessed One : " With opportunity, and secrecy, And the right woo'r, all women will go wrong — Aye, failing others, with a cripple even \" But on the other hand it is said : " Mahosadha's wife, Amara, when left behind in the village while her husband was away on a journey, remained alone and in privacy, and regarding her husband as a man would regard his sovran lord, she refused to do wrong, even when tempted with a thousand pieces ^." Now if the first of these passages be correct, the second must be wrong ; and if the second be right, [206] the first must be wrong. This too is a double-edged problem now put to you, and you have to solve it.' 43. ' It is so said, O king, as you have quoted, touching the conduct of Amara, Mahosadha's wife. But the question is would she have done wrong, on receipt of those thousand pieces, with the right man : or would she not have done so, if she had had the opportunity, and the certainty of secrecy, and a suitable wooer ? Now, on considering the matter, that lady Amara was not certain of any of these

^ It is not meant that men would not. But that is too clear to be even worthy of mention, whereas with regard to women the question is worth discussion. Our author is mistaken in ascribing this verse to the Buddha. It is only found (as has been pointed out by Mr. Trenckner) in a Gataka story, No. 536, and is a specimen, not of Buddhist teaching, but of Indian folk-lore. There is a very similar sentiment in G^ataka, No. 62 (vol. i, p. 289). "^ This story will be found in the Ummagga Gataka, No. 546. rV,4, 43- WOMEN. 295 thino-s. Through her fear of censure in this world the opportunity seemed to her not fit, and through her fear of the sufferings of purgatory in the next world. And because she knew how bitter is the fruit of wrong-doing, and because she did not wish to lose her loved one, and because of the high esteem in which she held her husband, and because she honoured goodness, and despised ignobleness of life, and because she did not want to break with her customary mode of life — for all these reasons the opportunity seemed to her not fit.

' And, further, she refused to do wrong because, on consideration, she was not sure of keeping the thing secret from the world. [207] For even could she have kept it secret from men, yet she could not have concealed it from spirits ^ — even could she have kept it secret from spirits, yet she could not have concealed it from those recluses who have the power of knowine the thoufrhts of others — even could she have kept it secret from them, yet she could not have concealed it from those of the gods who can read the hearts of men — even could she have kept it secret from the gods, yet she could not have escaped, herself, from the knowledge of her sin — even could she have remained ignorant of it herself, yet she could not have kept it secret from (the law of the result which follows on) unrighteousness 2. Such were the ^ Fairies, nayad, dryads, &c. &c.— not gods. 2 Adhammena raho na labheyya. I am in great doubt as to the real meaning of these words, which Hina/i-kumbure (p. 286) renders merely adharmayen rahasak no labanne. They look very much like a kind of personification of Karma. The phrase is really very parallel to the saying in Numbers xxxii. 23, 'Be sure your sin will find you out '—namely, in its results— and is as true ethically as it is difficult grammatically.

296 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 43. 'various reasons which led her to abstain from doing wrong because she could not be sure of secrecy. * And, further, she refused to do wrong because, on consideration, she found no right wooer. Mahosadha the wise, O king, was endowed with the eight and twenty qualities. And which are those twentyeight ? He was brave, O king, and full of modesty, and ashamed to do wrong, he had many adherents, and many friends, he was forgiving, he was upright in life, he was truthful, he was pure in word, and deed and heart \ he was free from malice, he was not puffed up, he felt no jealousy^, he was full of energy, he strove after all good things ^ he was popular with all men, he was generous, he was friendly ^, he was humble in disposition, he was free from guile, he was free from deceit, he was full of insight, he was of high reputation, he had much knowledge, he sought after the good of those dependent on him, his praise was in all men's mouths, great was his wealth, and great his fame. Such were the twentyeight qualities, O king, with which Mahosadha, the wise, was endowed. And it was because she found no wooer like unto him that she did no wrong ^'

^ So-^eyya-sampanno, which Hina/i-kumbure renders suva/^a guwayen samanwibaw a : that is, ' compliant, attentive to what is said.' But I prefer to take the expression in the sense explained at length in Anguttara III, 119. See also Cataka 1,214; Milinda, p. 1 1 5. ^ Anusuyyako. See G^ataka II, 192, and Milinda, p. 94. ^ Ayuhako. Hina/i-kumbure (p. 286) renders this word, which is only found here, by Dhana piris roes kirim oetteya, ' one who has heaped up goods and men.' But see Milinda, p. 181, and Dr. Morris in the Pali Text Society's Journals for 1885 and 1886. * Sakhilo, ' kindly in speech,' says the Si7;/halese. ^ This is all very well, but it does not confirm, it explains away, the supposed quotation from the Buddha's words. ' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say.' [Here ends the dilemma as to the wickedness of [on the fearlessness of the arahats.] 44. ' Venerable Nagasena, it was said by the Blessed One : " The Arahats have laid aside all fear and trembling V But on the other hand when, in the city of Raj^agaha, they saw Dhana-palaka, the man-slaying elephant, bearing down upon the Blessed

^ The position of women in India, at the time when Buddhism arose, was, theoretically, very low. The folk tales are full of stories turning on the wiles of women, and the Hindoo law-books seem never tired of the theme of her uncleanness, her weakness, and her wickedness. But, except in matters of property, the bark was I think worse than the bite. Among the people, in the homes of the peasantry, the philippics of the Brahmin priests were not much regarded, and the women led lives as pleasant as those of their male relations, and shared in such mental and physical advantages as their male relations enjoyed. The influence of Buddhism must have been felt in two directions. In the first place the importance attached to the celibate life must have encouraged the kind of view taken of women among Catholics in mediaeval times (the Brahmin view being much akin to those that were promulgated by Luther). On the other hand the fact that women were admitted to the Order, and that the still higher aim of Arahatship was held to be attainable by them, must have helped to encourage a high esteem for women. We have many instances of women who were credited with the insight of Arahatship. A whole treatise in the Buddhist sacred books, the Theri Galha, is devoted to hymns and poems ascribed to them, and many of these reach a very high level of intelligent and spiritual emotion.

^ I do not know the exact passage referred to, but there are many of similar tendency in the sacred books. See, for instance, Dhammapada, verses 39, 188, 214, 351, and 385; and Sutta Nipata, verses 15, 70, 212, 621, and 965. 298 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 44. One, all the five hundred Arahats forsook the Conqueror and fled, one only excepted, Ananda the Elder \ Now how was it, Nagasena ? Did those Arahats run away from fear — or did they run away willing to let the Blessed One be destroyed, and thinking : " (Our conduct) will be clear (to him) from the way in which he himself will act ^" [208] or did they run away with the hope of watching the immense and unequalled mighty power which the Tathagata would exhibit ? If, Nagasena, what the ^ Here again we have a variation between our author's words and those of the Pi/akas. In the iTullavagga VII, 3, 11, 12 (translated in pp. 247-250 of vol. iii of the ' Vinaya Texts' in the ' Sacred Books of the East '), we have the oldest versions of this story; and there the elephant is called, not Dhana-palaka, but Nalagiri, and the number of attendant disciples (who are not called Arahats) is not given as five hundred. The Buddha is simply said to have entered Ra^agaha 'with a number of Bhikkhus.' Nothing also is said, either of their running away, or of Ananda's remaining behind. It is, no doubt, an easily explicable and very pretty alteration of the story, which exhibits Ananda, the beloved disciple, as acting in this way. But it is none the less an alteration.

It should be added that Nalagiri (it should be Na/agiri) in the Vinaya text is a personal name of the elephant, but may be derived from its place of origin. (See the references to a famous elephant named Na/agiri in the Megha Duta and Nalagiri in the Katha Sarit Sagara XI, 42, XII, 10, XIII, 7, 29. But Paz/ini VI, 3, 117, gives the latter as the name of a mountain.) So while there may be a variation in the legend, it may also be that we have only two names for the same elephant, just as one might speak of the Shetland pony (named) Brownie. And the stanza quoted below (p. 410 of the Pah text) shows that the name Dhana-palaka was given already in older texts to the Na/agiri elephant. ^ Pa7/;7ayissati sakena kammena, 'It will be plain to the Buddha (that is, he will be able to judge of our motives) from his own kindness and goodness,' according to the Si/«halese (p. 287). But the expression is a very strange one, and perhaps, after all, it merely means, ' The matter will turn out according to his Karma.' Blessed One said as to the Arahats being devoid of fear be true, then this story must be false. But if the story be true, then the statement that the Arahats have put away fear and trembling must be false. This too is a double-edged problem now put to you, and you have to solve it.'

45. ' The Blessed One did say, O king, that Arahats have put away all fear and trembling, and five hundred Arahats, save only Ananda, did, as you say, run away when the elephant Dhana-palaka bore down upon the Tathagata that day in Ra^agaha. But that was neither out of fear, nor from willingness to let the Blessed One be destroyed. For the cause by which Arahats could be made to fear or tremble has been destroyed in them, and therefore are they free from fear or trembling. Is the broad earth, O king, afraid at people digging into it, or breaking it up, or at having to bear the weight of the mighty oceans and the peaked mountain ranges ? ' * Certainly not. Sir.' ' But why not ?' ' Because there is no cause in the broad earth which could produce fear or trembling.' 'Just so, O king. And neither is there any such cause in Arahats. And would a mountain peak be afraid of being split up, or broken down, or made to fall, or burnt with fire ?' ' Certainly not, Sir.' 'But why not?' [209] ' The cause of fear or trembling does not exist within it.'

' And just so, O king, with Arahats. If all the creatures of various outward form in the whole 300 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 45. universe ^ were, together, to attack one Arahat in order to put him to fear, yet would they bring about no variation in his heart. And why ? Because there is neither condition nor cause for fear (in him, whence fear could arise). Rather, O king, was it these considerations that arose in the minds of those Arahats : " To-day when the best of the best of men, the hero among conquerors, has entered into the famous city, Dhana-palaka the elephant will rush down the street. But to a certainty the brother who is his special attendant will not forsake him who is above the god of gods. But if we should not go away, then neither will the goodness of Ananda be made manifest, nor will the elephant actually approach ^ the Tathaeata. Let us then withdraw. Thus will great masses of the people attain to emancipation from the bonds of evil, and the goodness of Ananda be made manifest." It was on the realisation of the fact that those advantages would arise from their doing so, that the Arahats withdrew to every side.'

'Well, Nagasena, have you solved the puzzle. That is so. The Arahats feared not, nor did they tremble. But for the advantages that they foresaw they withdrew on every side.' [Here ends the problem as to the panic of the ^ Literally, * In the hundreds of thousands of world systems.' 2 A///^anam-anavakasataya, 'Because of the absence of condition and opportunity/ [on causing the omniscient one to change his 46. ' Venerable Nagasena, your people say that the Tathagata is all wise \ And on the other hand they say : " When the company of the members of the Order presided over by Sariputta and Moggallana had been dismissed by the Blessed One ^ then the Sakyas of Katuma and Brahma Sabanipati, by means of the parables of the seed and of the calf, gained the Buddha over, and obtained his forgiveness, and made him see the thing in the right light ^." Now how was that, Nagasena ? Were those two parables unknown to him that he should be [210] appeased and gained over to their side, and brought to see the matter in a new light ? But if he did not already know them, then, Nagasena, he was not all-wise. If he did know them, then he must have dismissed those brethren rudely and violently * in order to try them ; and therein is his unkindness made manifest. This too is a double-edged problem now put to you, and you have to solve it.'

47. * The Tathagata, O king, was all-wise, and yet, pleased at those parables, he was gained over by them, he granted pardon to the brethren he had sent ^ This question is also discussed above, III, 6, 2. ^ This episode has already been referred to above, and will be found set out in full in the A'atuma Sutta, No. 67, in the IMa^^^/nma Nikaya (pp. 456-462 of Mr. Trenckner's edition for the Pali Text Society). ^ N\gg/2Zt\.a?n akawsu. Compare 6^ataka, vol. i, p. 495. * Okassa pasayha, which the Si//^halese (p. 289) renders akao'fl'/ianaya ko/a abhibhavanaya karana. See Dr. Morris in the 'Journal of the Pali Text Society,' 1887, p. 148. 302 THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. IV, 4, 47- away, and he saw the matter In the Hght (in which the intercessors on their behalf wished him to see it). For the Tathagata, O king, is lord of the Scriptures. It was with parables that had been first preached by the Tathagata himself^ that they conciliated him, pleased him, gained him over, and it was on being thus gained over that he signified his approval (of what they had said). It was, O king, as when a wife conciliates, and pleases, and gains over her husband by means of things that belong to the husband himself; and the husband signifies his approval thereof. Or it was, O king, as when the royal barber conciliates and pleases and gains over the king when he dresses the king's head with the golden comb 2 which belongs to the king himself, and the king then signifies his approval thereof. Or it was, O king, as when an attendant novice, when he serves his teacher with the food given in alms which his teacher has himself brought home, conciliates him and pleases him and gains him over, and the teacher then signifies his approval thereof.'

' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say.' [Here ends the problem as to the all-wise Buddha being gained over by intercession ^.] Here ends the Fourth Chapter. ^ This is quite correct. They are in the fourth book of the Ahguttara Sutta, No. 13. 2 Pawaka, a word only found in this passage. Hina/i-kumbure (p. 280 at the end) renders it ran panawen. 3 Other cruxes arising out of the dogma of the Buddha's omniscience are discussed above. III, 6, 2. Character filled by the Professor Fausboll has kindly allowed me to look at the advance sheets of his fifth volume, so that the above list is complete down to No. 513. There maybe a few more instances in the remaining 37 Gatakas not yet printed. Page xiii. Ai-wardhana-pura. It should have been pointed out that this city is not (as stated by Emerson Tennant at vol. i, p. 414 of his ' Ceylon ') the same as the modern town of Kandy, but was in the Kurunsegalla district, and (as pointed out by Mr. K. James Pohath in the 'Ceylon Orientalist,' vol. iii, p. 218) about three and a half miles distant from the modern Damba-deniya.

P. 2, note 2. Mr. Trenckner in his 'Pali Miscellany' (London, 1879) has translated and annotated the whole of Book I, that is, to the end of p. 39 of this translation. P. 6, hne i, read 'to Tissa the Elder, the son of Moggali.' P. 10, note I. It is strange that when it occurred to me that §§ 10-14 are an early interpolation I failed to notice the most important, and indeed almost conclusive argument for my suggestion. It is this, that the closing words of § 14 are really in complete contradiction to the opening words, and that they look very much as if they had been inserted, after the interpolation, to meet the objection to it which would at once arise from the expression in § 16, that the venerable Assagutta 'heard those words of King jMilinda.' As it originally stood the words he heard were those of § 10. After the interpolation these words had to be reinserted at the end of § 14, in spite of their being in contradiction to the context. Pp. 14 foil., for ' Rohana' read ' Rohawa.' Pp. 15, 16. This whole episode as to the charge of lying is repeated by Buddhaghosa (in the Introduction to his Samanta Pasadika, p. 296 of vol. iii of Oldenberg's Vinaya), but as having happened to Siggava in connection with the birth of Moggali-putta Tissa. A modern author would be expected to mention his source, but Buddhaghosa makes no reference whatever to the Milinda. Perhaps the episode is common stock of Buddhist legend, and we shall find it elsewhere.

P. 32, line I, add after 'Quietism' 'and the discourse on losses (Parabhava Suttanta).' [See p. xxix, where the reference is supplied.] P. 53. ' Virtue's the base/ It should have been pointed out that this is the celebrated verse given by the Ceylon scholars to Buddhaghosa as the theme of the test essay he was to write as a proof of his fitness. If he succeeded in the essay they would then entrust him with all their traditions for him to recast in Pali. The ' Path of Purity,' which opens with this verse, was the result. P. 185, § 49. On the question discussed in this section the curious may compare what is said by Sir Thomas Brown in his ' Enquiries into Vulgar and Common Errors,' Book VII, Chapter xvi (p. 304 of the London edition of 1686). He gives several instances of supposed cases of conception without sexual connection mentioned in western writers, and comes to the conclusion, apropos of the supposed generation of the magician Merlin by Satan, that ' generations by the devil are very improbable.' I had desired to dedicate this translation of the Milinda to Mr. Trenckner, to whose self-denying labours, spread over many years, we owe the edition of the Pali text on which the translation is based, and without which the translation would not have been attempted. But I am now informed that any dedication of a single volume in the series of the ' Sacred Books of the East ' is not allowable, as it would conflict with the dedication of the entire series. Had I known this when the Introduction was being written, a more suitable acknowledgment of the debt due to Mr. Trenckner than the few words on page xv, would have been made at the close of the Introductory remarks. I am permitted therefore to add here what was intended to appear in the dedication as an expression of the gratitude which all interested in historical research must feel to a scholar who has devoted years of labour, and of labour rendered valuable by the highest training and critical scholarship, to a field of enquiry in which the only fruit to be gathered is knowledge.

Abhidharma Koja Vyakhya, quoted, page xxvi. Agathoklcs, king of Baktria, xxii. A^ita, the teacher, 8, 41. Akesincs, the river, xliv. A/Jiravati, the river, xliv, 171. A/akamanda, city of the gods. 3. Alasanda (Alexandria), on the Indus, xxiii, 127. Amara, Mahosadha's wife, 294. Aniara-sekara, Mr. C. A. INI., xii. Amara-sekara, iNIr. N, M., xii. Ananda, the teacher, 163, 191, 257. Anantakaya, attendant on Menander, probably = Ant!ochos,xix,xlii,4 8. Anuruddha, the Sakyan, 163. Apollodotus, king of Baktria, xix,xlii. Archebios, king of Baktria, xxii. Ariano-pali, legends on coins, xxi. AsaZ/.'a, a month, 171. Asikni, the river, xUv. Asipasa, a caste, xlvi. Asoka, emperor of India, xxxvii, xlii, 182. Asokarama, near Patna, xliii, 26. Assagutta of the Vattaniya hermitage, XXV, xhii. Ajvagupta, not the same as last, xxv. A«/jissara, = Devadatta, 167. Aviki, purgatory, xl, 9. Ayiipala, of the Sankheyya heiTni- tage, a Buddhist teacher, xxv, Barygaza, in Gujarat, xx. Benares, 31, Benfey, Professor, quoted, xxvi. Bhaddasala, the general, xliii, 292, Bhaddi-(or Bha^/i-)putta, a caste, xlvi. Bhaddiya, the Sakyan, 163. Bhagu. the Sakyan, 163. BharukaX'^/ja, men of, xliii, 531. Bindumati, a courtesan, xliii, 182. Bird, Major, quoted, xxvi. Brahma, the god, 118, 301. Buddhaghosa's ' Path of Purity,' xi, 306 ; his quotations of the Milinda, xiv-xvii.

Budh Gaya, in Behar, 9. Burgess, Dr., quoted, xxvi. Burmese translations of the ' Questions of Milinda,' xi, xvi. Bu-ston, a Tibetan work, quoted, xxvi. Ceylon, xi, xiv ; its literature, xiii. Childers, Professor, quoted, xlv, 185, 230, 244. Cunningham, General, quoted, xi. Dagabas, sepulchral heaps, xx. Danava, Titan, 216. Daramin'pola, a Ceylon scholar, xiii. Devadatta, the heresiarch, 153, 163 foil., 193, 249, 282 foil., 303. Devamantiya, = Demetrios, xix, xliii, 22, 24, 37, 47Dhamma-kitti, author of the Sad- dhamma Sangaha, xxvii. Dhammakkhanda. See Madhurasa- tota. DhammaprUa, quoted, 244. 2. Dhamma-rakkhita, one of Naga- sena's teachers, xxv, xliii, 16, 18. Dhana-phalaka, elephant, 297. Dinna, attendant on king^Iilinda, 87. Divyavadana, quoted, xxv. Ekasa^aka, a Brahman, 172. Elijah, his 'Act of 'Iruth,' 185. Eukratides, king of Baktria, xxiii. Fa-Hien, the traveller, 248. Fausboll, Professor, quoted, 244, 253- Gandhara,the country, xliii, 327, 331. Ganga, the Ganges river, xliv, 5, 171, 182. Gardiner, Professor, quoted, xxi. Garu^as, snake-eating birds, 38,175. Gopala-niata, queen, 172. Guwananda. See Moho//i-watte. Guttila, musician, 172. Hardy, Rev. R. Spence, quoted, xxvi, 40, 61, 64, 77, Himalayas, mountains, 11, 171, 278. Hinan-kumbure Sumahgala, translates the Milinda into Sinhalese, xii, xiii, Hydaspes, the river Bihat, xliv. Hypanis (the Sutlej), xix. Indra, the god, 37. Indus, river, 171. Isamos (the Jumna), xix. Itihasas, 6, 247.

Jains, their founder, 8. Jali, Vessantara's son, 174. Jumna, river. See Isamos, Yamuna. Justin, quoted, xix. Kabul, Menander's coins found there, Kadphises, a coin of his referred to, xxii. Ka^ahgala, in the Terai, 14, 18. Kalabu, king, 286. Kalanda, a clan, 238. Kalasi, a town on an island in the Indus, xxiii, xliii, 83, 127. Kali-devata, a sect so called, xlvi. ^andabhaga, the river, xliv, 171. ATandagutta, king, xliii, 292. Karambhiya, ascetic, 287. Karisi. See Kalasi. Kashmir, Menander's coins found there, xx, xliii, 82. Kassapa, the Buddha, 4, 173. Katlia Sarit Sagara, quoted, 298. A'atuma, a Sakyan town, 257, 301. Kern, Professor, quoted, xxvi. Ketumati, a mansion in heaven, 11. Khu^^uttara, 122. Kimbila, the Sakyan, 163. ATina, perhaps China, xliii, 121, 327, 331, 359Kiflki, a Brahman woman, 153. Kirtti Sri Ra^a-siwzha, king of Ceylon, xii, xiii. Kola-pa/^ana, seaport, xliii, 359. Ko/umbara, its stuffs, 3. Kumara Kassapa, 275. ATunda, the coppersmith, 242. Kuvera, the god, 37. Lassen, Professor, quoted, xliv. Legge, Professor, his version of Fa- Hien, 248. Liwera, Mr. A., xiii. Lokayatas, a sect so called, 7. MaddT, wife to Vessantara, 174. Madhura, the city, xliii, 331. Madhurasa-to^a, a Buddhist scholar, xiii. Maha-bharata, called an Itihasa, 247. Mahasena, a god, 1 1.

MaM, the river, xliv, 171. Mahosadha and his wife, 294. Makkhali (of the cowshed), 8. Ma«ibhadda, a caste so called, xlvi, 191. Mahkura, attendant on Menander, XX, 29, 30, 48. Manoratha Pura«i, quoted, xiv. Mara, the Evil One, 219. Mathura, Menander's coins found there, xx. Megha Duta, quoted, 298. Menander-Milinda, identity of the names, xviii ; notices of in classical writers, xix ; coins of, xx-xxii ; date and birthplace of, xxiii; his conversion to Buddhism, xxv-xxvii. Mendis, Mr. L., xiii. Milinda, the Questions of, in Ceylon, xii, xiii ; in Buddhaghosa, xivxvi ; MSS. of, xvii ; is a religious romance, xvii ; the charm of its style, xviii. Moggallana, his death, 261 foil. Moho//i-watte Guwananda, a Buddhist scholar, xii. Morris, the Rev. Dr., quoted, xiv, XV, 46, 65, 174, 278, 301. Miiller, Prof. Ed., quoted, xliv, 179, 240. Nagarguna, founder of the Mahayana school, xxv ; identified MTongly with Nagasena, xxvi. Nagasena, xxv, xxvi, and p;ussim. Nagcsa, epithet of Pata;7^ali, xxvi. Na/agiri, elephant and mountain, 298. Nanda, the Brahman, 153. Nandaka, an ogre, 153. Nandiya, monkey king, 287. Niga«//ja Nata-putta, founder of the Jain sect, 8. Nikumba, the country, xhii, 327. Pabbata, a caste so called, xlvii, 191.

Pakudha Ka>^Myana, the teacher, 8,42. Pali Text Society, xxv, xxvii, xl, xliv, 46, 65. Pa«ini, quoted, 298. Papa;7-^a Sfidani, quoted, xv. Para^ika offences, xli. Pa^liputta, the modern Patna, 26, 182. Pata;7^ali, not the same as Nagasena, Patimokkha, recitation of, 264 foil. Payasi the Ra§-anya, 275. Phawin, epithet of Pata%ali, xxvi. Piliyakkha, king, 280. Piris, Mr. K., xii. Plutarch, quoted, xix, xxii. Pra^^apati, the god, 37. Pu«;/a, slave girl, 172. Pu««a, a servant, 172. Pura«a Kassapa, the teacher, 8, 9, Rajg-agaha, 191, 298; council held at, 242. Rahula, son of the Buddha, 32. Rakkhita-tala, in the Himalayas, xliii, 6, 12, 18. Ramaya/za, called an Itihasa, 247. Ro^^a, the IMallian, 282. I. Rohawa, a Buddhist teacher mentioned in the Anguttara, xxv. 2, Roha«a, Nagasena's teacher, xxv, xliii. Sabba-dinna, attendant on Menander, xix, xliii, 20, 47, 56. Saddhamma Sawgaha, a Pali historical work, xxvii. Sagala, capital of Baktria, xviii, xliii, 2, 23. Saka, a country, xliii, 327, 331. Sakka, king of the gods, 12. Sakyan, member of the clan, 153. Sallet, Alfred von, quoted, xxi. Sama, prince, 280 foil., 288. Sa;/§-aya, the teacher, 8. Sahkheyya, a hermitage, xliii, 17, 22, Santushita, a god, 37. Sarabhu, the river, xliv, 171. SarassatT, the river, xliv, 171.

Savara, city of the ATawfl'alas, 267. Schiefner, Prof., quoted, xxvi. Siamese translations, &c., of the ' Questions of Milinda,' xi, xvi, xvii, xxiv. Sindhu, the Indus river, xliv. Sineru, king of mountains, 152, 176. 1. So«uttara, a Brahman, xliii, 14. 2. So«uttara, an outcast, 286. ^ri-wardhana-pura, a city in Ceylon, ^xiii, 305. Sthupas. See Dagabas. Strabo, quoted, xix. Strato, king of Baktria, xxii. Subhadda, recluse, 186. Sudinna, of the Kalanda clan, 238. Sumana, garland maker, 172. Sumahgala Vilasini, quoted, xiv, xv, 131, 263. Suppabuddha, a Sakyan, 153. Suppiya, devotee, 172. Sur^tt/ja, Surat, xliii, 331, 359. Sutta Nipata, xlii. Suva««a-bhunii, the country, xliii, J59Suyama, a god, 37. Sy-Hermaios, king of Baktria, xxii. Takkola, the place, xliii, xliv, 359. Theosophists, sect of, 268. Tissa, son of Moggali, 6. Tissa-thera, a writer, xliii, 71. Trenckner, Mr., xv-xix, xxiv, xxxi, 294, 306. Tusita heaven, 271. trha, a river, xliii, 70Upali, the barber, 163. Uposatha Arama, in Ceylon, xiii. Uttarakuru, 3. Vanga, Bengal, xliii, 359. Varu/za, the god, 37. Vattaniya, a hermitage, xliii, 10-16. Vedas, the four, 6, 247; the three, Ve^ayanta, palace of the gods, 1 1 . Vessantara, the king, 170 foil. Vessavana, king of the fairies, 38. Vetravati, the river, xliv, 171. Vidhura, sage, 288. Vi^amba-vatthu, a hermitage, xlni, 12.

Vilata, a country, xliii, 327, 331. Vitawsa, the river, xliv, 171. Vita«^as, a sect so called, 7. Weber, Prof., quoted, xxv. Wenzel, Dr., quoted, xxv, xxvi. Wilson, H. H., quoted, xxi. Woeliwi/a Sarawahkara, a Buddhist scholar, xii, xiii. Yakkha, ogre, 38, 176. Yama, the god, 37. Yamuna, the Jumna river, xliv, 171. Yavana, Baktria, xlui, 327, 331. Yonakas, the Greeks (lonians) attendant on Menander, xix, xiii, I, 4, 20, 68. Yugandhara, a peak of the Hnnalayas, 12. Zoilos, king of Baktria, xxii. 'Act of Truth,' 180 foil. Alkaline wa^h, in medicine, 168. Alms, customs of the Buddhist Order in regard to, 14-16, 20. Alms-halls. 2. See Rest-houses. Animals, their reasoning powers, 51. Arahat, the great, is Buddha, 8 ; others, 11,12; their knowledge of others' thoughts, 18, 23; nature of their wisdom, 29; does not fear death, 70 ; description of, 157 ; have no fear, 206 foil., 297 foil. Arahatship, above ordinary morality, 25; its seven conditions, 52, 58 ; the highest of all lands, 227. Army, its four divisions, 7, 54, 60, 62. Aspiration of reward, on doing a good act, 5 ; duty of, 55. Association of ideas, 89-92. Assurance of salvation, the Arahat's final, 65. Astrologer, the royal, 31, 247.

Baby, is it the same as the grown man .'63. Bambu, simile of the giant-, 155 foil. ; dies in reproduction, 236. Barley reapers, simile of, 51. Bathing places, public, 140. Becoming, 83; sorrow of, 149; freedom from, 293. Boat, similes of, 124, 227. Body, the thirty-two parts of the human, 42; the love of the, 114; bodily marks, the, 32, 1 17, 237 ; made of four elements, 194. Bones, hundred leagues long, 1 30. Book, 123; of the law, 262. Brahman, works in the fields, 15 ; duties of a, 247. Brand marks, on cattle, 122. Breath, no soul in the, 48. Bridges, 140, 272, 291. Buddha, the, is incomparable, 108^,; is not still alive, 144 foil.; gifts to, 144 foil.; distinction between PaMeka- and PerfectBuddhas, 158 ; the best of men, 178; sinlessness of, 191. Calf, similes of, 282, 301. Carpenter, simile of, 236. Carter, should test a ford, 272. Casuists, 7 ; casuistry no branch of education,' 17. Cat's eye, the gem, 177. Cattle, brand marks on, 122. Cauterising a wound, 168, 211. Ceremonies, observed by kings on visiting Samawas, 30, 31, 37, 49. Character, of the ideally good layman, 296. Chariot, simile of, 43 ; parts of, 44.

Charms, intoning of, 181. City, description of a wealthy, 2 ; foundation of, 53; with one gateway, simile of, 90. Clocks, want of, 7. Clod, thrown in the air, simile of, 194. Combs for the hair, 19. 'Confections,' 42, 83, 205, 207. Conversion, what it consists in, 25. Conveyancing, as an art, 6. Copper ware, 3, 96. Counting. See Arithmetic ; by the finger-joints, 91. Courtesan, story of, 183 foil. Courts of justice, 291. Criminal, the condemned, similes of, 165-6, 211. Crops, estimation of growing, 91. Cymbals, simile of, 93. Dart, simile of the perfect, 159. Dead body, always cast up by the sea, 259. Death, the fear of, 206-212, 278, 279. Death of the Buddha, the legend of, explained, 242 foil. Delusion of self, 207, 226. Dependents, kindness to, 138. Dice-playing, 103. Digestion, 193, 236. Diseases, ninety-eight kinds of, 152 ; caused in ten ways (one of which is medical treatment), 192; cured by Pirit, 225. Divination, practised by Brahmans, 247. 'Divine Ear,' the, 11. 'Divine Eye,' the, 26, 179. Divining other people's thoughts, 18, 23. Dreams, interpretation of, 247. Drugs, five kinds of, 69. Drum, simile of, 149. Dryads, 242. Ear, the divine, 11. Earth, the broad, similes of, 52, 150,

194, 258, 299. Earthquakes, 170 foil. Eclipses, 247. Education, 17, 50, 63. Egoism, delusion of, 207, 226. Elements, the four, 194. Elephants, 3, 38, 126, 211, 267, 272. Embroidery, 134. Embryo, four stages of the, 63, 105. Esoteric teaching, none in Buddhism, 138, 142, 267. Estimating growing crops, 91. Eunuchs, cannot keep a secret, 141. Evil, origin of. See Pain, Conquest of, by good, 174. Excitement, condemned, 143, Exorcism, 38, Eye, the Divine, 26, 'Eye of the Truth,' 25, Finger-joints, used to count with, 91. Fire, similes of, 73, 146, 188, 234, 244. Flame, simile of, 64. Flavours, the six, 88. Flood, simile of a, 56. Food, Indian idea of, 26. Future life, the craving after, condemned, 174, 200. Garlands, habit of wearing, 19. Gayal, kind of buffalo, 211. Gems, various kinds of, 177. Generosity, the mighty power of, 173-5Gestation, period of, is ten months, 1 6. Ghee, 65, 75, 161, 249. Gold and silver, 3, 59, 267. Grammar, 17, Granary, 65, i6r. Guilds of traders, 3, Hair, the sixteen impediments of wearing, 19; hair-dyeing and shampooing, &c,, ibid. Head-splitting, belief as to, 222. Heads of houses, 209. Health and wealth, explained, 97, Hell, none in Buddhism, See Purgatory, Hen and eggs, similes of, 76, 77, 80.

Honey, the man in the trough of, 88 ; the drink of, 95 ; slips through the fingers, 249. Horses, 3 ; the swift, simile of, 199. House-building, 57, 83 ; house of life, 207. Humours, the three, in medicine, 168, 191. Husbandry, 215, 235, 247, 285. Iddhi, powers of, 261. Ideas, mark of, 94 ; association of, 89-92. Income, simile of, 187. Individuality, 40-45, 50, 64, 67. Insight, the eight causes of its ripening, 141, and see Conversion. Investigation, characteristic of, 96 ; why the Buddha investigates, 272. Invisible, story of the magician, 217 ; root to make one, 281. Jasmine, the chief of flowers, 252. Javelins, 69. Karma, 3, 12, 18, 32, 41, 71, 80, 103, 163, 191, 214, 262-4. King of kings, the mythical, 162, 177, 199. Kings, their manner of discussing, 46 ; their tyranny, 50 ; their greed, 203 ; they take the best Lamps, 61, 64, 67, 73, no. Lancet, surgeon's, 168-9, 211. Law, of property, 247. See Peace, breach of, and Conveyancing, and Punishments, and Book. Laymen, includes the gods, 32. Learning by heart, 17, 22, 28, 34, 123, 172, Letter-writing, 67. Leviathan, 187. Lexicography, 17, Lie, a deliberate, excludes from the Order, 268. Lions, 135, 21 1. Log, the dry, simile of, 214. Looking-glass, 86, 189. Lord of a village, 208. Lotions, medicinal, 211, 215. Lotus flower, simile of, 1 17. Love to all beings, 1 38, 279 foil, ; of

teacher to pupil, 142; duty of, 254Lucky marks, 32, 117, 237, 247. Magic, 6, 181, 217. Mandolin and its parts, 84, Market places, 2, 53. Marks on the body, as omens of future greatness, 17. Marriage by purchase, 74. Medicine, 6, 191, 197, 214. See Physician, Surgery. Meditation, 13, 18, 52, 196 foil. Memory, 120-122. INIerchant, should test goods, 272. Milk and butter, simile of, 65, 75. Mindfulness, 52, 58. INIinds, seven classes of, 154. Ministers of state, the six, 171, Miracles at conception of Nagasena, 14, Money, 17, 59, 134, 267. Mules die in giving birth, 236. Music, 6, Muslin, of Benares, 3. Mutilation, of criminals, 63, 166, Name, soul not implied in, 41. 'Name-and-form,' 71 foil, 77. Nirva«a, a state of mind to be attained in, and which ends with, this life, 36, 41, 78, 106. See Arahatship. Novice, the intractable, 4 ; Nagasena becomes a, 20 ; his duties as, 24, 302. Ocean, taste of, 131, 133; always casts up a dead body, 259. Ofli"ences, conscious and unconscious, 224. Official gratitude, 76, 93, 197. Oil, for the hair, 19. Ointment, for a wound, 168. Omens, interpretation of, 247. Omniscience of the Buddhas, 117, 154-162, 271, 301 foil.

Pain, origin of, 83, 191, 195. Peace, breach of the, in law, 239. Perception, characteristic of, 95, 1 32. Physician, 68, 69, 112, 165, 168, 211, 240, 272. Pilot, should test the shore, 272. Pipers, 48. Pirit, 213. Pledge, deposit of, 123. Poison, simile of, 94 ; antidotes to, 215 ; love counteracts, 279. Pork, the Buddha's last meal of, 244 Posthumous honours, 144 foil. Potter and the pots, simile of, 84. Precepts, abolition of the minor, 202. Present to a king, simile of, 220. Prophecy, 6, 185. Punishments, 63, 223, 239, 254, 269. Punkahs, 148. Pupil, his duty to his teacher, 144. Purgatory, 94, loi, 125, 163, 167, 206, 210, 283. Purity, the power of, 173. Purohita, family chaplain, 282. Rain, three seasons of, 171; produced by charms, 181. Rain water, similes of, 90, 226, 245, 274' 278. Rams, simile of two butting, 92. Reasoning contrasted with wisdom, 50. Recognition, mark of perception, 132. Reflection, characteristic of, 95. Re-incarnation, 207, and see next. Relationship, scheme of, 292. Relics, of the Buddha, 144 foil., 246. Renunciation, 31, 49, 98, 251, 271. Rice, simile of cartload of, 154; simile of boiling, 176 ; is the chief of all grains, 252. Robber, figuratively, of a bad monk, 256.

Scholars, their manner of discussing, 46. Schooling, 63, and see Education. Season, the rainy, 7, 24. Sects, 3, 7, 8, 144, 266. Seed-fruit-seed, succession of, 80. Seed, simile of, 301. Sensation, results of a, 82, 83, 89, 92 ; characteristics of, 93 ; kinds of, 194. Shadow of a man, 45 ; abiding under another's, 137. Shampooing the hair, 19. Ship, simile of, 227. Shrines, god-haunted, 1 40. Sins, the five, 41 ; will find you out, 295. Snake-charmers, 38, 212, 215. Snakes, 21 1. Snoring, how to stop, 131. Snow, 70. Son in the faith, 142. Sophists, 7. Sorrow, 125, and see Pain. Soul, no such thing as, 40-45, 48, 67, 86-89, III, 132. Spells, 6. Splinter of rock, incident of, 193 foil., 249 foil. State officials, the six, 171. Suffering, cause of, see Pain ; various kinds of, 275. Sugar, 72 ; sugar mill, 235. Suggestion, as source of memory, 121. Suicide, 69, 273. Surgery, 168. Swallowed up by the earth, 152. Syrups and sweetmeats, 3. Tank, simile of the full, 187. Teacher, his fees, 17, 25 ; his duties to his pupil, 142. Thought-perception, 89. Tidal-wave, 276. Time, definition of, 77 ; root of, 79 ; ultimate point of, 80-82.

To pay, 177. . , . ^ Torture, 239; various kmds ot death with, 276, 277. Transmigration, iii, 118, 120. Travellers, hospitality towards, 161. Treasurer, the royal, 59. Trees, disciples compared to, 151 ; simile of the barren, 162; talking trees, dilemma of, 247. Trumpeters, 48. Truth, is the most minute of all things, 132 ; its power, 182. Turbans, 138. Tutor's fees, 17. Twirling-stick, 85, 146. Uncle, no word for in Pah, 292. Unguents, for the hair, 19. Vow, the eightfold, of a layman, 1 38. "Waggons, 3, 27 ; parts of, 44 ; simile of path of, 91 ; of load of rice, 154 ; breaking up of, 173 ; reckoned among valuable things, 267. Wandering teachers, 7, 34. Water, earth rests on, 106, 175. Water-pot, the regular, 106. Wheel of victory, 162 ; of the kingdom of righteousness, 31, 253. Wind, simile of, 147-8 ; as medical term, 191. Wisdom, distinct from reasoning, 50 ; mark of, 51, 61 ; of Arahats, 29; seven kinds of, 128. Women, put before men, 83; their fickleness, 141 ; in the Order, 187; reckoned among valuable things, 267 ; their wiles, 294 ; their management of their husbands, 302. See Marriage.

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Oxford University Press Warehouse Amen Corner, E.C. [All rights reserved ] [ All rights reserved] Chinese books on Nagasena . The Buddhist canon .... Vasubandhu's reference to Nagasena Kshemendra's reference to Milinda The Mahavawsa on Assagutta and Vattaniya The Katha Vatthu .... Milinda and other authorities on the soul theory The Milinda later than the Katha Vatthu Translation of the Text. Book IV. The Solving of Dilemmas. 41st Dilemma. Why should houses (Wiharas) be built for the houseless ones ?..... 1 42nd Dilemma. Was not the Buddha immoderate in 43rd Dilemma. Was not Bakkula said to be superior (in health) to the Buddha ? 8 44th Dilemma. Why is the Buddha's teaching called both new and old ? . . . . 13 45th Dilemma. Did not the Bodisat once kill animals in sacrifice ? . . . . . . .16 46th Dilemma. Did not the Bodisat once abuse the 47th Dilemma. Was not Kassapa the Buddha less powerful than the potter ? . . . . .23 48th Dilemma. Why is the Buddha called both Brahman and king ? . . . • • • • • 2 5 49th Dilemma. Did not the Buddha teach for hire ? . 31 50th Dilemma. Did not the Buddha once doubt ? (See

51st Dilemma. Was not the Buddha taught by others? 43 52nd Dilemma. Why can there be only one Buddha at a time? . . . ..... 47 53rd Dilemma. Did not the Buddha put the Order above himself? . . . . . . 51 54th Dilemma. As a layman can reach Arahatship, why enter the Order ? ...... 56 55th Dilemma. Did not the Buddha, having tried and abandoned asceticism, nevertheless still insist on it ? 60 56th Dilemma. Men sometimes throw off the robes. Why not test candidates before initiation ? . . 63 57 th Dilemma. How is it that Arahats suffer bodily 58th Dilemma. Why cannot an offender, who is not aware of his offence, enter the Path . . -78 59th Dilemma. How can a guilty Samawa purify gifts ? 82 60th Dilemma. The ' soul ' in water . . . .85 61st Dilemma. Why does the Order trouble itself about learning, and about buildings and gifts ? . -92 62nd Dilemma. Why cannot a layman, who can become an Arahat, continue as one? . . . .96 63rd Dilemma. How is it that an Arahat can do wrong? 98 64th Dilemma. What is there that is, but not in the

world? . . . . . . . .101 65th Dilemma. What is there that is without a cause? . 103 66th Dilemma. Karma-born, cause-born, and seasonborn . . . . . . . . .107 67 th Dilemma. What becomes of dead devils ? . .108 68th Dilemma. Why did not the Buddha promulgate all the Rules of the Order at once ? . . .109 69th Dilemma. How does the sun get cool ? . .111 70th Dilemma. Why is the sun hotter in winter? . .112 71st Dilemma. How can Vessantara's giving away of his children be approved ? . . . . .114 72nd Dilemma. Why did the Bodisat undergo penance? 132 73rd Dilemma. Which is stronger, virtue or vice? . 144 74th Dilemma. Do the dead derive advantage from gifts given here ? . . . . . . 1 5 1 75th Dilemma. Dreams and sleep . . . . 157 76th Dilemma. Is death ever premature ? . . . 162 77th Dilemma. How can there be wonders at the graves of Arahats ?....... 78th Dilemma. Cannot all men be converted ? 79th Dilemma. Is Nirvawa all bliss, or partly pain? 80th Dilemma. The form, figure, duration, &c, of Nirva;/a .........

8 1 st Dilemma. The realisation of Nirvana . 82nd Dilemma. The place of Nirva«a Book V. The Problem of Inference. § 1. How can you know that the Buddha ever lived? . 4. The ordinary city, and its architect, shops, and 5. The City of Righteousness, and its architect 6. The flower bazaar therein . 7. The perfume bazaar therein 8. The fruit bazaar therein 10. The antidote bazaar therein 11. The medicine bazaar therein 12. The ambrosia bazaar therein 13-20. The jewel bazaar therein, and the seven Jewels of the Truth .... 21. The general store bazaar therein — ^> 22. The inhabitants of the City of Righteousness 23. The generals in the City of Righteousness The chaplains in the City of Righteousness The lamplighters in the City of Righteousness -} The peace-officers in the City of Righteousness The shop-keepers in the City of Righteousness The drunkards (!) in the City of Righteousness The watchmen in the City of Righteousness — ^>The lawyers and judges in the City of Righteous' ness ....... The bankers in the City of Righteousness . ~^> 24. The conclusion drawn by inference Book VI. The Voluntary Extra Vows. § 1. Can laymen attain Nirvawa ?

6. The twenty-eight advantages of the vows 7. The eighteen good qualities that come from keep § i o. No Arahatship without having kept them 12-15. Similes ..... 16. He who, being unworthy, takes the vows 1 8. He who, being worthy, takes the vows 20. Details of the thirteen extra vows 24. The example of Upasena . 25. The thirty graces of the true recluse . 26. The example of Sariputta . Book VII. Similes of Arahatship. § 1. Detailed list of these similes, sixty-seven being still preserved, and thirty-eight being now lost . 275 19. Wonders at the conclusion of Nagasena's solution of the three hundred and four puzzles . -373 20. Conversion of Milinda the king . . . -373 21. Milinda enters the Order, and becomes an Arahat 374 Additions and Corrections 377 Index of Proper Names 379 Index of Subjects 381 Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East . -385 I have first to notice a few points as to the history of the Milinda book which have either come to light since the former Introduction was written, or which I then omitted to notice. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio in his Catalogue of Chinese Buddhist Books 1 mentions a Chinese book called Na-sien Fik/iiu Kin (that is ' The Book of the Bhikshu Nagasena ' Sutra) 2. I have been so fortunate as to receive detailed information about this book both from Dr. Serge d'Oldenbourg in St. Petersburg and from M. Sylvain Levi in Paris. Professor Serge d'Oldenbourg forwarded to me, in the spring of 1892, a translation into English (which he himself had been kind enough to make) from a translation into Russian by Mr. Ivanovsky, of the Chinese Introduction, and of various episodes in the Chinese which seemed to differ from the Pali. This very valuable aid to the interpretation of the Milinda, which the unselfish courtesy of these two Russian scholars intended thus to place at my disposal, was most unfortunately lost in the post ; and I have only been able to gather from a personal interview with Professor d'Oldenbourg that the Introduction was a sort of £ataka story in which the Buddha appeared as a white elephant 3. By a curious coincidence this regrettable loss has been

1 Called on the title-page ' Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripi/aka.' But this must surely be a mistake. It includes a number of works which are not translations at all, and translations of a large number of others which do not belong to the Pi/akas. No. 1358 in the Catalogue. Translated under the Eastern Tsin Dynasty, 317-420. 3 As there is nothing about this curious Introduction in either of M. Specht's papers to be mentioned immediately, it seems possible that there are really three Chinese books on the same subject. Xll QUESTIONS AND PUZZLES OF MILINDA THE KING. since made good by the work of two French scholars. Mons. Sylvain Levi forwarded to the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists, held in London in the autumn of 1892, a careful study on the subject by M. Edouard Specht, preceded by an introductory essay by himself. It appears from this paper, which excited much interest when it was read, that there are, not one, but two separate and distinct works extant in China under the name of Na-sien Yik/nu ./Tin, the one inserted in the Korean collection made in that country in 1010 A. D., and the other printed in the collection of Buddhist books published under the Sung in 1239. Neither the date nor the author of either version seems to be known, but Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio states of his work, which is probably one of the two, that it was composed between 31 7 and 420 A. D.1 The Korean book gives much less of the matter contained in our books II and III than the later work in the Sung collection, the former containing only 13,752 characters while the latter has 22,657. In the matter of the order of the questions also the later of the two Chinese books follows much more closely the order found in the present translation than does the work found in the Korean collection.

This paper has since been published in the Proceedings of the Congress2, and it gives translations of several episodes on questions in which the Chinese is said to throw light on the Pali. Both M. Specht and M. Sylvain Levi seem to think that the two Chinese books were translations of older recensions of the work than the one preserved in Pali. This argument does not seem to me, as at present advised, at all certain. It by no means follows that a shorter recension, merely because it is shorter, must necessarily be older than a longer one. It is quite as possible that the longer one gave rise to the shorter ones. 1 It would be very interesting to have this point decided ; namely, whether the volume in the India Office Library is identical with either of the two very different books in Paris. If not, we have, then, still another Chinese book on Milinda. 2 Vol. i. pp. 520-529. The story of a discussion between Nagasena and Milinda is no doubt, if the arguments in the Introduction to Part I are of any avail, an historical romance with an ethical tendency. In constant repetition, after it had become popular, it is precisely those parts which do not appeal so easily to the popular ear (because they deal, not with ordinary puzzles, but with dilemmas or with the higher mysteries of Arahatship), that would be naturally omitted. I do not go so far as to say that it must have been so. But I venture to think that for a critical judgment as to the comparative dates of the three works on the same subject, now known to exist, we must wait till translations of the whole of the two independent Chinese versions are before us. And further that the arguments must then turn on quite other considerations than the very ambiguous conclusions to be drawn merely from the length or shortness of the different treatment in each case. It is very much to be hoped therefore that M. Specht will soon give us complete versions of the two Chinese works in question.

At present it can only be said that we have a very pretty puzzle propounded to us, a puzzle much more difficult to solve than those which king Milinda put to Nagasena the sage. If the shorter version (or rather paraphrase, for it does not seem to be a version at all in our modern sense) — that from the Korea — be really the original, how comes it that the other Chinese book, included in a collection made two centuries later, should happen to differ from it in the precise parts in which it, the supposed original, differs from the Pali ? Surely the only probable hypothesis would be that of the Chinese books, both working on the same original, the later is more exact than the earlier : and that we simply have here one more instance of an already well-known characteristic of Chinese reproductions of Indian books — namely, that the later version is more accurate than the older one. The later a Chinese ' translation ' the better, in the few cases where comparison is possible, it has proved to be (that is, the nearer to our idea of what a translation should be) ; and Tibetan versions are better, as a rule, than the best of the Chinese.

Since the publication of this very interesting paper, M. Sylvain Levi has had the great kindness to send me an advance proof of a more complete paper, to be published in Paris, in which M. Specht and himself have made a detailed analysis of the three versions, setting out over against the English translation of each question (as contained in the first volume of the present work) the translations of it as they appear in each of the Chinese versions. I have not been able by a study of this analysis to add anything to the admirable summary of the conclusions as to the relations of these two books to one another and to the Pali which are given by M. Specht in his article in the Proceedings of the Ninth Congress. The later version is throughout much nearer to the Pali ; but neither of the two give more than a small portion of it, the earlier does not seem to go much further than our Volume I, page 99 (just where the Pali has the remark, ' Here end the questions of king Milinda '), and the later, though it goes beyond this point, apparently stops at Volume I, page 114.

These details are of importance for the decision of the critical question of the history of the Milinda. The book starts with an elaborate and very skilful introduction, giving first an account of the way in which Nagasena and Milinda had met in a previous birth, then the life history, in order, of each of them in this birth, then the account of how they met. Throughout the whole story the attention is constantly directed to the very great ability of the two disputants, and to the fact that they had been specially prepared through their whole existence for this great encounter, which was to be of the first importance for religion and for the world. This introductory story occupies in my translation thirty-nine pages. Is it likely that so stately an entrance hall should have really been built to lead only into one or two small rooms? — to two chapters occupying only sixty pages more ? Is it not more probable that the original architect had a better sense of proportion? As an Introduction to the book as we have it in these volumes the story told in those thirty-nine pages is very much in place ; as an Introduction to the first two chapters only, or to the first two and a portion of the third, it is quite incongruous. And accordingly we find in the very beginning of the Introduction a kind of table of contents in which the shape of the whole book, as we have it here, is foreshadowed in detail, and in due proportion. This will have to be taken into account when, with full translations of the two Chinese books before us, we shall have to consider whether they are really copies of the original statue, or whether they are interesting fragments.

I ought not to close this reference to the labours of MM. Levi and Specht without calling attention to a slip of the pen in one expression used by M. Sylvain Levi regarding the Milinda1. He says, ' La science ne connaissait jusqu'ici de cet ouvrage qu'un texte ecrit en Pali et incorpore dans le canon Singhalais ? ' Now there is, accurately speaking, no such thing as a Sinhalese canon of the Buddhist Scriptures, any more than there is a French or an English canon of the Christian Scriptures. The canon of the three Pi/akas, settled in the valley of the Ganges (probably at Patna in the time of Asoka),has been adhered to, it is true, in Ceylon, Burma, and Siam. But it cannot properly be called either a Ceylonese or a Burmese or a Siamese canon. In that canon the Milinda was never incorporated. And not only so, but the expression used clearly implies that there is some other canon. Now there has never been any other canon of the Buddhist Scriptures besides this one of the three Pi/akas. Many Buddhist books, not incorporated in the canon, have been composed in different languages — Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan, Japanese, Sinhalese, Burmese, Siamese, &c — but no new canon, in the European meaning of the phrase, has ever been formed.

One meets occasionally, no doubt, in European books on Buddhism allusions or references to a later canon 1 ' Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists,' vol. i, P- 5iS. supposed to have been settled at the Council of Kanishka. The blunder originated, I believe, with Mr. Beal. But in the only account of that Council which we possess, that of Yuan Thsang1, there is no mention at all of any new canon having been settled. The account is long and detailed. An occurrence of so extreme an importance would scarcely have escaped the notice of the Chinese writer. But throughout the account the canonicity of the three Pi/akas is simply taken for granted. The members of the Council were chosen exclusively from those who knew the three Pi/akas, and the work they performed was the composition of three books — the Upadcya, the Vinaya Vibhasha, and the Abhidharma Vibhasha. The words which follow in the Chinese have been differently interpreted by the European translators. Julien says : ' They (the members of the Council) thoroughly explained the three Pi/akas, and thus placed them above all the books of antiquity V Beal, on the other hand, renders : 'Which (namely, which three books) thoroughly explained the three Pi/akas. There was no work of antiquity to be compared with (placed above) their productions 3.'

It is immaterial which version best conveys the meaning of the original. They both clearly show that, in the view of Yuan Thsang, the Council of Kanishka did not establish any new canon. Since that time the rulers of China, Japan, and Tibet have from time to time published collections of Buddhist books. But none of these collections even purports to be a canon of the Scriptures. They contain works of very various, and some quite modern, ages and authors: and can no more be regarded as a canon of the Buddhist Scriptures than Migne's voluminous collection of Christian books can be called a new canon of the Christian Scriptures. 1 Julien's translation, vol. i, pp. 173-178, and Mr. Beal's own translation, i, 147-157. There are two or three incidental references to the Council in other works. See my ' Buddhism,' p. 239. 2 St. Julien, ' Voyages des Pelerins Bouddhistes,' vol. i, pp. 177, 178. 3 Beal, ' Buddhist Records of the Western World,' vol. i, p. 155. This was already pointed out in my little manual, 'Buddhism,' published in 1877, and it is a pity that references in subsequent books to a supposed canon settled at Kanishka's Council have still perpetuated the blunder. M. Sylvain Levi, for whose genius and scholarship I have the profoundest respect, does not actually say that there was such a canon ; but his words must lead readers, ignorant of the facts, to imply that there was one.

I have also to add that M. Barth has called attention l to the fact that M. Sylvain Levi has added another service to those already mentioned as rendered by him to the interpretation of the Milinda, by a discussion of the reference to our book in the Abhidharma-koja-vyakhya, referred to in my previous Introduction, p. xxvi. This discussion was published in a periodical I have not seen2. But it seems that M. Levi, with the help of two Chinese translations, has been able to show that the citation is not only in the commentary, but also in the text, of Vasubandhu's work. M. Leon Feer has been kind enough to send me the actual words of the reference, and they will be found published in the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' for 1891, p. 476. Professor Serge d'Oldenbourg has also been good enough to point out to me that the two Cambridge MSS. of Kshemendra's Bodhisattvavadana-kalpalata read Milinda (not Millinda as given by Rajendra Lai Mitra3) as the name of the king referred to in the 57th Avadana, the Stupavadana. I had not noticed this reference to the character in our historical romance. It comes in quite incidentally, the Buddha prophesying to Indra that a king Milinda would erect a stupa at Pa/aligrama. There is no allusion to our book, and the passage is only interesting as showing that the memory of king Milinda still survived in India at the time when Kshemendra wrote in the eleventh century A. D.

Another reference to one of the characters in the Milinda 1 In the 'Revue de l'Histoire des Religions' for 1893 (which has only just reached me), p. 258. 2 The 'Comptes rendus des Seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions ct Belles-lettres,' 1893, p. 232. s ' Nepalese Buddhist Literature,' p. 63. which has come to notice since the publication of part i, is in the closing words of the Attha-Salini-Atthayo^-ana (a /ika on Buddhaghosa's first work, his commentary on the Dhamma Sangawi), which was written in Siam after the twelfth century by iVanakitti, and edited in 1890 at Galle, by Pa;7/7asekhara Unnanse. On page 265 we read : Vattaniya-senasane ti Vi;^//a/aviyaw Vattaniya-senasane. Tena vuttaw Mahava;//se : Assagutta-mahathero pabhinna-Pa/isambhido Sa////i-bhikkhu sahassani Vi«^a//aviyam adiya Vattaniya-senasana nabhasa tattha-m-otariti. ' The words Vattaniya-senasane mean, " in the Vattaniya Hermitage in the Vindhya Desert." Therefore it is said in the Mahavawsa : ' " The great Thera Assagutta, who knew so well the Pa/isambhida, bringing sixty thousand brethren from the Vattaniya Hermitage in the Vindhya Desert through the sky, descended there." ' This quotation is very interesting. It follows that in the original text of the Attha Salini there is something about the Vattaniya Hermitage. And also that the author of this Tika. must have had before him some text of our Mahavawsa differing from ours, or perhaps some other Mahavawsa. For the lines quoted do not occur in our text. The nearest approach to them is one line in the description of the assembly that came together at the consecration of the Maha Thupa at Anuradhapura in the year 157 B.C. It runs1 :

Vi%v£a/avi-Vattaniya-senasana 2 tu Uttaro Thero sa^i-sahassani bhikkhu adaya agama. ' The thera Uttara came up bringing with him sixty thousand Bhikshus from the Vattaniya Hermitage [not Uttania Temple as Tumour translates] in the Vindhya Desert.' The resemblance of the passages is striking. But all 1 Chapter XXIX, p. 171, of Tumour's edition. 2 Tumour has Vattaniya-senasanu. that can be concluded is that the author of our Mahava/wsa, Mahanama, who wrote in the middle of the fifth century, knew of the Vattaniya Hermitage; and that the author of the text quoted by TVanakitti (in a passage probably describing the same event) mentions an Assagutta as having come to the festival from his hermitage at Vattaniya. Both these references are entirely legendary. In order to magnify the importance of the great festival held in Ceylon on the occasion referred to, it is related that certain famous members of the Buddhist order came, attended by many followers, through the sky, to take part in the ceremony. A comparison of this list with the previous list, also given in the Mahavawsa ', of the missionaries sent out nearly a hundred years before, by Asoka, will show that the names in the second list are in great part an echo of those in the first. But in selecting well-known names, Mahanama in his second, fabulous, list has, according to the published text, also included that of the Vattaniya Hermitage, and, according to the new verse in the other text, has associated with that place the name of Assagutta. not found elsewhere except in the Milinda. In that book the residence of Assagutta is not specified — it is his friend Rohawa who lives at the Vattaniya, and the locality of the Vattaniya is not specified — it would seem from the statement at I, 25 (part i, p. 20 of this translation) that it was a day's journey from ' the Guarded Slope,' that is, in the Himalayas. But geographical allusions are apt to be misleading when the talk is of Bhikshus who could fly through the air. And it seems the most probable explanation that the authors of these verses, in adopting these names, had the Milinda story in their mind.

[Tumour's reading of the name as Uttara, and not Assagutta, is confirmed by the Dipavawsa, chap. XIX, verses 4-6, where all the fourteen names of the visitors from India are given (without any details as to the districts whence they came), and the corresponding name is also Uttara there.] 1 Tumour, pp. 71-73. b 2 The above sets out all the new information I have been able to glean about the Milinda since the publication of the Introduction to the first volume of this translation. I had hoped in this Introduction to discuss the doctrines, as apart from the historical and geographical allusions, of our author — comparing his standpoint with that of the earliest Buddhists, set out in the four great Nikayas, with that of later books contained in the Pitakas, and with that of still later works not included in the canon at all. I have to express my regret that a long and serious illness, culminating in a serious accident that was very nearly a fatal one, has deprived me altogether of the power of work, and not only prevented me from carrying out this perhaps too ambitious design, but has so long delayed the writing of this Introduction.

Only one of the preliminary labours to the intended Introduction was completed. I read through the Katha Vatthn, which has not yet been edited, with a view of ascertaining whether, at the time when that book was written, that is, in the time of Asoka, the kind of questions agitating the Buddhist community bore any relation to the kind of questions discussed by the author of our Milinda. As is well known, the Katha Vatthu sets out a number of points on which the orthodox school, that of the Theravadins, differed in Asoka's time from the other seventeen schools (afterwards called collectively the Hinayana) which had sprung up among the Buddhists between the time of the Buddha and that of Asoka. I published in the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' for 1892 a statement, both in the original Pali and in English, of all the points thus discussed by the author of the Katha Vatthu, Moggaliputta TissaThera, giving (from the commentary) the names of the various schools against whom, in each instance, his remarks were directed. It is now possible to judge from this analysis of the questions proposed, what were the subjects on which differences obtained among the early Buddhists. There are a number of points raised in Tissa's discussions which are also discussed by the author of the Milinda. In every

instance the two authors agree in their views, Nagasena in the Milinda always advocating the opinion which Tissa puts forward as that of the Thera-vadins. This is especially the case with those points which Moggali-putta Tissa thinks of so much importance that he discusses them at much greater length than the others. His first chapter, for instance, by far the longest in his book, is on the question whether, in the high and truest sense of the word, there can be said to be a ' soul ' l. It is precisely this question which forms also the subject of the very first discussion between Milinda and Nagasena, the conversation leading up to the celebrated simile of the chariot by which Nagasena apparently convinces Milinda of the truth of the orthodox Buddhist view that there is really no such thing as a ' soul ' in the ordinary sense 2. On leaving the sage, the king returns to his palace, and the next day the officer who escorts Nagasena there to renew the discussion, occupies the time to raise again the same question, and is answered by the simile of the musicians 3. Not content with these two expositions of this important doctrine, the author of the Milinda returns again soon afterwards to the same point, which he illustrates by the simile of the palace 4, and further on in the book he takes occasion to discuss and refute the commonly held opinion that there is a soul in inanimate things, such as water 5.

It cannot be doubted that the authors of the Katha Vatthu and the Milinda were perfectly justified in putting this crucial question in the very forefront of their discussion — just as the Buddha himself, as is well known, made it the subject of the very first discourse he addressed to his earliest converted followers, the Anatta-lakkha//a Sutta, included both in the Vinaya and in the Anguttara Nikaya 6. The history of ideas about the ' soul' has yet to be 1 Katha Vatthu I, i. - Milinda, i, pp. 40-41. 3 Milinda, i, p. 48. * Milinda, i, pp. 86-S9. 5 Milinda, ii. pp. 85-87. 6 Vinaya Texts (S. B. E. XIII), part i, pp. too, ioi, and Anguttara Nikaya. XX 11 QUESTIONS AND PUZZLES OF MILINDA THE KING. written. But the outlines of it are pretty well established, and there is nothing to show that the Indian notions on the subject, apart perhaps from the subsidiary beliefs in Karma and transmigration, were materially different from those obtaining elsewhere. Already in prehistoric times the ancestors of the Indian peoples, whether Aryan by race or not, had come to believe, probably through the influence of dreams, in the existence inside each man of a subtle image of the man himself. This weird and intangible form left the body during sleep, and at death it continued in some way to live. It was a crude hypothesis found useful to explain the phenomena of dreams, of motion, and of life. And it was applied very indiscriminately to the allied phenomena in external things — the apparent life and motion, not only of animals, but also of plants and rivers, of winds and celestial bodies, being explained by the hypothesis of a soul within them. The varying conditions and appearances of the external world gave rise to the various powers and qualities ascribed to these external souls, and hence to whole systems of polytheism and mythology. And just as the gods, which never had any existence except in the ideas of their worshippers, were born and grew and changed and passed away with those ideas, so also the hypothesis of internal souls had, no less in India than elsewhere, a continual change, a continual development— and this not only as to ideas on the nature and origin of the internal human souls, but as to their relation to the external souls or gods. And when speculation, which loved to busy itself with these mysterious and fanciful hypotheses, had learnt to conjecture a unity behind the variety of external spirits, the relation of men's souls to the one great first cause, to God, became the subject of endless discussions, of varying views invented to harmonise with varying preconceived conceptions.

When Buddhism arose these hypotheses as to 'souls,' internal and external, formed the basis of all the widely differing, and very living and earnest, religious and philosophical speculations in the valley of the Ganges, where there then obtained that marvellous freedom of thought on all such subjects which has been throughout its history a distinguishing characteristic of the Indian people. Now there is one work, of more importance than any other in Buddhism, the collection of the Dialogues of Gotama the Buddha, brought together in the Digha and Ma^/zima Nikayas. It contains the views of the Buddha set out, as they appeared to his very earliest disciples, in a series of 185 conversational discourses, which will some day come to hold a place, in the history of human thought, akin to that held by the Dialogues of Plato. Is it a mere chance, or is it the actual result of the necessities of the case, that this question of 'souls' is put into the forefront of this collection, just as it is the point treated first and at the greatest length in the Katha. Vatthu, and put first also in the Milinda? The first of these 185 dialogues is the Brahma^ala Suttanta, the discourse called the Perfect Net, the net whose meshes are so fine that no folly of superstition, however subtle, can slip through — the clearing away of the rubbish before the foundations are laid for the new palace of good sense. In it are set out sixty-two varieties of existing hypotheses, and after each and all of them has been rejected, the doctrine of Arahatship is put forward as the right solution. The sixty-two heresies are as follows :

1-4. SASSATA-VADA. People who, either from meditation of three degrees, or fourthly through logic and reasoning, have come to believe that both the external world as a whole, and individual souls, are eternal. 5-8. Ekaaxa-SASSATIKA. People who, in four ways, hold that some souls are eternal, while others are not. a. Those who hold that God is eternal, but not the b. Those who hold that all the gods are eternal, but not the individual souls. c. Those who hold that certain illustrious gods are eternal, but not the human souls. d. Those who hold that while the bodily forms are not eternal, there is a subtle something, called Heart or Mind, or Consciousness; which is. 9-12. ANTANTIKA. People who chop logic about finity and infinity. a. Those who hold the world to be finite. b. Those who hold it to be infinite. c. Those who hold it to be both. d. Those who hold it to be neither. 13-16. Amara-vikkhepika. People who equivocate about virtue and vice — a. From the fear that if they express a decided opinion grief at possible mistake will injure them. b. That they may form attachments which will injure c. That they may be unable to answer skilful dis-

d. From dullness and stupidity. 17,18. Adhia'AA.-SAMUPPANIKA. People who think that the origin of things can be explained without a cause. 19-50. Uddhama-aghatanika. People who believe in the future existence of human souls. a. Sixteen different phases of the hypothesis of a conscious existence after death. b. Eight different phases of the hypothesis of an unconscious existence after death. c. Eight different phases of the hypothesis of an existence between consciousness and unconsciousness after death. 51-57. Ukkheda-vada. People who teach the doctrine that there is a soul, but that it will cease to exist on the death of the body here, or at the end of a next life, or of further lives in higher and ever higher states of being. 58-62. Dizyy/a-dhammika-nibbana-vAda. People who hold that there is a soul, and that it can attain to perfect bliss in this present world, or in whatever world it happens to be — a. By a full, complete, and perfect enjoyment of the b. By an enquiring mental abstraction (the First c. By undisturbed mental bliss, untarnished by enquiry d. By mental peace, free alike from joy and pain and enquiry (the Third Dhyana). e. By this mental peace plus a sense of purity (the

Professor Garbe, in his just published ' Sankhya Philosophic1,' holds that the first persons attacked in this list are the followers of the Sankhya. The double view of the Sassata-vada is no doubt the basis of the Sankhya system. But the system contains much more, and it would be safer to say that we have here a warning against the philosophical view which afterwards developed into the Sankhya, or rather which became afterwards a fundamental part of the Sankhya. The Vedanta, in either of its forms, is not, it will be noticed, referred to in any one of the sixty-two divisions ; but philosophical views forming part of the Vedanta may be traced in Nos. 5, 8, 10, 20, &c. The scheme is not intended as a refutation of the views, as a whole, held by any special school or individual, but as a statement of erroneous views on two special points, namely, the soul and the world. However this may be, we find an ample justification in this comprehensive and systematic condemnation of all current or possible forms of the soul-theory for the prominence which the author of the Milinda gives to the subject. The other points on which the Milinda may be compared with the Katha Vatthu will need less comment. The discussion in the Milinda as to the manner in which the Divine Eye can arise in a man 2, is a reminiscence of the question raised in the Katha Vatthu III, 7 as to whether the eye of flesh can, through strength of dhamma, grow into the Divine Eye. The discussion in the Milinda as to

1 Introduction, p. 57. ' Milinda, i, pp. 179-185. how a layman, who is a layman after becoming an Arahat, can enter the Order1, is entirely in accord with the opinion maintained, as against the Uttarapathaka, in the Katha Vatthu IV, i. Our Milinda ascribes the verses, ' Exert yourselves, be strong, and to the faith,' &c, to the Buddha2. In the note on that passage I had pointed out that they are ascribed, not to the Buddha, but to Abhibhu in certain Pi/aka texts, and to the Buddha himself only in late Sanskrit works. In the exposition of Katha Vatthu II, 3 the verses are also ascribed to the Buddha. The proposition in the Katha Vatthu II, 8 that the Buddha, in the ordinary affairs of life, was not transcendental, agrees with Nagasena's argument in the Milinda, part ii, pp. 8-12. The discussion in the Milinda as to whether an Arahat can be thoughtless or guilty of an offence 3 is foreshadowed by the similar points raised in the Katha Vatthu I, 2 ; II, 1, 2, and VIII, 11. And the two dilemmas, Nos. 65 and 66, especially as to the cause of space, may be compared with the discussion in Katha Vatthu VI, 6, as to whether space is self-existent.

The general result of a comparison between these two very interesting books of controversial apologetics seems to me to be that the differences between them are just such as one might expect (a) from the difference of date, and (b) from the fact that the controversy in the older book is carried on against members of the same communion, whereas in the Milinda we have a defence of Buddhism as against the outsider. The Katha Vatthu takes almost the whole of the conclusions reached in the Milinda for granted, and goes on to discuss further questions on points of detail. It does not give a description of Arahatship in glowing terms, but discusses minor points as to whether the realisation of Arahatship includes the Fruits of the three lower paths4, or whether all the qualities of an Arahat are free from the Asavas 5, or whether the knowledge of his 1 Milinda, ii, pp. 96-98 (compare 57—59). 2 Milinda, ii, p. 60. 3 Milinda, ii, pp. 98 foil. 4 Katha Vatthu IV, 9. 5 Katha Vatthu IV, 3. emancipation alone makes a man an Arahat1, or whether the breaking of the Fetters constitutes Arahatship, and whether the insight into Arahatship suffices to break all the Fetters2, and so on.

The discussion of these details gives no opportunity for the enthusiastic eloquence of the author of our Milinda, and the very fact of his eloquence argues a later date. But there can be no doubt as to the superiority of his style. And I still adhere to the opinions expressed in the former Introduction that the work, as it stands in the Pali, is of its kind (that is, as a book of apologetic controversy) the best in point of style that had then been written in any country ; and that it is the masterpiece of Indian prose. 1 Katha. Vatthu V, 1. 2 Katha Vatthu V, 10, and X, 1.

The Solving of Dilemmas. [dilemma the forty-first, on dwelling-places.] i. [211] 'Venerable Nagasena, the Blessed One said : ' In friendship of the world anxiety is born, In household life distraction's dust springs up, The state set free from home and friendship's ties, That, and that only, is the recluse's aim 1." 1 This is the opening verse of the Muni Sutta (in the Sutta Nipata I, 12). It is quoted again below, p. 385 of the Pali text. The second line is, in the original, enigmatically terse, and runs simply, ' From a home dust arises.' This Fausboll renders (in the S. B. E., vol. x, part ii, p. 33), ' From household life arises defilement,' the word for dust (ra^o) being often used figuratively in the sense of something that disfigures, is out of place in the higher life. It is the distracting effect of household cares that the recluse has to fear. ' But on the other hand he said : " Let therefore the wise man, Regarding his own weal, Have pleasant dwelling-places built, And lodge there learned men V ' Now, venerable Nagasena, if the former of these two passages was really spoken by the Tathagata, then the second must be wrong. But if the Tathagata really said : " Have pleasant dwelling-places built," then the former statement must be wrong. This too is a double-edged problem, now put to you, which you have to solve.'

2. [212] ' Both the passages you have quoted, O king, were spoken by the Tathagata. And the former is a statement as to the nature of things, an inclusive statement, a statement which leaves no room for anything to be supplemented to it, or to be added to it in the way of gloss 2, as to what is seemly and appropriate and proper for a recluse, and as to the mode of life which a recluse should adopt, the path he should walk along, and the practice he should follow. For just, O king, as a deer in the forest, wandering in the woods, sleeps wherever he desires, having no home and no 1 This is a very famous verse, found first in the Vinaya (A'ullavagga VI, 1, 5), and quoted in the Introduction to the Gatakas (Fausboll, vol. i, p. 93; compare vol. iv, p. 354), translated in my 'Buddhist Birth Stories,' vol. i, p. 132. Hina/i-kumbure adds the context : ' Then shall they preach to him the Truth, The Truth dispelling every grief, Which Truth when here a man perceives, He's freed from stains, and dies away.' 2 On these expressions compare above, p. 170 (p. 113 of the

dwelling-place, so also should the recluse be of opinion that "In friendship of the world anxiety is born, In household life distraction's dust springs up." 7,. ' But when the Blessed One said : " Have pleasant dwelling-places built, And lodge there learned men," that was said writh respect to two matters only. And what are those two ? The gift of a dwellingplace (Wihara) has been praised and approved, esteemed and highly spoken of, by all the Buddhas. And those who have made such a gift shall be delivered from rebirth, old age, and death. This is the first of the advantages in the gift of a dwellingplace. And again, if there be a common dwellingplace (a Wihara) the sisters of the Order will have a clearly ascertained place of rendezvous, and those who wish to visit (the brethren of the Order)1 will find it an easy matter to do so. Whereas if there were no homes for the members of the Order it would be difficult to visit them. This is the second of the advantages in the gift of a dwelling-place (a Wihara). It was with reference to these two matters only that it was said by the Blessed One :

" Have pleasant dwelling-places built, And lodge there learned men." [213] ' And it does not follow from that that the sons of the Buddha - should harbour longings after the household life.' 1 The words in brackets are added from Hina/i-kumbure. 2 That is, the members of the Order. ' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say.' [Here ends the dilemma as to dwelling-places.] 4. ' Venerable Nagasena, the Blessed One said : " Be not remiss as to (the rules to be observed) when standing up (to beg for food). Be restrained in (matters relating to) the stomach V ' But on the other hand he said : " Now there were several days, Udayin, on which I ate out of this bowl when it was full to the brim, and ate even more 2." ' Now if the first rule be true, then the second statement must be false. But if the statement be true, then the rule first quoted must be wrong. 1 This verse has not yet been traced. The first half of it occurs in a different connection at Dhammapada, verse 168, which I have rendered (at 'Buddhism,' p. 65), 'Rise up and loiter not!' without any reference at all to food. This was in accordance with the view taken of the passage, both by Prof. Fausboll, who renders it (p. 31 of his edition of the Pali), 'Surgat, ne sit socors,' and by Prof. Max Miiller, who renders it (S. B. E., vol. x, part i, p. 47), 'Rouse thyself, do not be idle!' And I still think (especially noting such passages as Dhammapada, verses 231, 232, and the verse quoted in the Commentary, p. 126 of Fausboll, from Gataka IV, 496, &c.) that this was the original meaning in that connection. But here the words must clearly be taken as referring to food, and it is very remarkable that the commentator on the Dhammapada (see p. 335 of Fausboll' s edition) takes them in that sense also even in the other connection. It is a striking instance of the way in which commentators impart a purely technical sense into a general ethical precept.

2 From the Maha Udayi Sutta (Maxima Nikaya, No. 77). This too is a double-edged problem, now put to you, which you have to solve.' 5. ' Both the passages you have quoted, O king, were spoken by the Blessed One. But the former passage [214] is a statement as to the nature of things, an inclusive statement, a statement which leaves no room for anything to be supplemented to it, or added to it in the way of gloss, a statement of what is true and real and in accordance with the facts, and that cannot be proved wrong, a declaration made by the prophets, and sages, and teachers, and Arahats, and by the Buddhas who are wise for themselves alone (Pa/£/£eka-Buddhas)3 a declaration made by the Conquerors, and by the All-wise Ones, a declaration made too by the Tathagata, the Arahat, the Supreme Buddha himself. He who has no selfcontrol as regards the stomach, O king, will destroy living creatures, will take possession of what has not been given to him, will be unchaste, will speak lies, will drink strong drink, will put his mother or his father to death, will slay an Arahat, will create a schism in the Order, will even with malice aforethought wound a Tathagata. Was it not, O king, when without restraint as to his stomach, that Devadatta by breaking up the Order, heaped up for himself karma that would endure for a kalpa1? It was on calling to mind this, O king, and many other things of the same kind, that the Blessed One declared :

" Be not remiss as to (the rules to be observed) 1 See above, p. 164 (p. 109 of the Pali text). These passages show that Dr. Morris's note in the ' Journal of the Pali Text Society.' 1885, requires modification. See also below, IV, 8, 88, and the passages quoted by him in the ' Journal ' for 1886. when standing up (to beg for food). Be restrained in (matters relating to) the stomach." 6. 'And he who has self-control as regards the stomach gains a clear insight into the Four Truths, realises the Four Fruits of the life of renunciation \ and attains to mastery over the Four Discriminations 2, the Eight Attainments 3, and the Six Modes of Higher Knowledge4, and fulfils all that goes to constitute the life of the recluse. Did not the parrot fledo-ling, O king, by self-restraint as to his stomach, cause the very heaven of the great Thirty-Three to shake, and bring down Sakka, the king of the gods, to wait upon him 5 ? It was on calling to mind this, O king, and many other things of a similar kind, that the Blessed One declared : " Be not remiss as to (the rules to be observed) when standing up (to beg for food). Be restrained in (matters relating to) the stomach."

7. ' But when, O king, the Blessed One said : " Now there were several days, Udayi, on which I ate out of this bowl when it was full to the brim, and ate even more," that was said by him who had completed his task, who had finished all that he had to do, who had accomplished the end he set before him, who had overcome every obstruction, by the self-dependent6 Tathagata himself about himself. 1 Sama;1«a. 2 Pa/isambhida. 3 Samapatti. 4Abhi#«a. 5 This story will be found in the two Suka Gatakas (Nos. 429 and 430 in Fausboll). I had not succeeded in tracing it when the list at vol. i, p. xxvi, was drawn up ; it should therefore be added there. 6 Sayambhuna, ' whose knowledge is not derived from any one else.' (Sayambhu-?7a«a-wu says Hina/i-kumbure.) Burnouf's proposition (' Lotus,' p. 336) to take it in the sense of ' who has no other substratum or raison d'etre than himself cannot be accepted, in spite of Childers's approbation. Just, O king, as it is desirable that a sick man to whom an emetic, or a purge, or a clyster has been administered, should be treated with a tonic ; [215] just so, O king, should the man who is full of evil, and who has not perceived the Four Truths, adopt the practice of restraint in the matter of eating. But just, O king, as there is no necessity of polishing, and rubbing down 1, and purifying a diamond gem of great brilliancy, of the finest water, and of natural purity; just so, O king, is there no restraint as to what actions he should perform, on the Tathagata, on him who hath attained to perfection in all that lies within the scope of a Buddha 2.'

' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say.' [Here ends the dilemma as to restraint in 1 Nighawsana. Compare the use of nigkawsati at A'ullavagga V, 27, 2. 2 This is much more than a mere injunction not to gild refined gold. It comes very near to the enunciation of the dangerous doctrine that the holy man is above the law, and that nothing he does can be wrong. It is curious how frequently one finds this proposition cropping up in the most unexpected places, and the history of religious belief is full of instances of its pernicious effect on the most promising movements. When one considers the great influence of our author's work, it becomes especially interesting to note how the doctrine has never, among the orthodox Buddhists, who read the Pali Scriptures, been extended from the Buddha himself to his followers, and from moderation in food to matters of more vital import in the life of a church. And this is the more remarkable as the Tantra works of the corrupt Buddhism of Nepal and Tibet show how fatal has been the result of the doctrine among those Buddhists who had lost the guiding support of the older Scriptures.

[dilemma THE FORTY-THIRD. BAKKULAS SUPERIORITY TO THE BUDDHA.] 8. ' Venerable Nagasena, it was said by the Blessed One : "A Brahman am I, O brethren, devoted to selfsacrifice \ pure-handed at every time ; this body that I bear with me is my last, I am the supreme Healer and Physician2." ' But on the other hand the Blessed One said : ; The chief, O brethren, among those who are disciples of mine, in the matter of bodily health, is Bakkula3." ' Now it is well known that diseases arose several times in the body of the Blessed One. So that if, Nagasena, the Tathagata was supreme, then the statement he made about Bakkula's bodily health must be wrong. But if the Elder named Bakkula was really chief among those who were healthy, then that statement which I first quoted must be 1 Ya/£ayogo. See Sutta Nipata III, 5, 1 ; Ahguttara Nikaya III, 79, 2 ; and below, p. 225 (of the Pali text). 2 This passage has not yet been traced in the Pi/akas, and the context is therefore unknown. But the word Brahman must of course be applied to the Buddha here in the sense, not of one belonging to the Brahman caste, but of Arahat. Hina/i-kumbure adds, as a gloss, bahita-papa-brahmawayek, 'brahman because he has suppressed evil in himself.' On this explanation see my note to the forty-eighth dilemma, which is devoted to the discussion of this difficulty.

On the Buddha as the Great Physician see Sutta Nipata III, 7, 13; Maxima Nikaya I, 429; Sumahgala Vilasini, 67, 255; and Milinda, pp. no, 169 (of the Pali text). 3 Ahguttara Nikaya I, 14, 4. The reading adopted by our author agrees with that of the Sinhalese MSS. put by Dr. Morris into the text. wrong. This too is a double-edged problem, now put to you, which you have to solve.' 9. ' Both the quotations you have made, O king, are correct 1. But what the Blessed One said about Bakkula was said of those disciples who had learnt by heart the sacred words, and studied them, and handed down the tradition, which in reference to the characteristics (each of them in some one point) had in addition to those which were found in him himself-. [216] For there were certain of the disciples of the Blessed One, O king, who were " meditators on foot," spending a whole day and night in walking up and down in meditation. But the Blessed One was in the habit of spending the day and night in meditation, not only walking up and down but also sitting and lying down. So such, O king, of the disciples as were " meditators on foot 3 " surpassed him in that particular. And there were certain of the disciples of the Blessed One, O king, who were " eaters at one sitting," who would not, even to save their lives, take more than one meal a day. But the

1 Here, as always, they are repeated in full in the text. 2 This passage is very ambiguous. Hina/i-kumbure renders it : ' with reference to what was found in himself, and besides that (with reference) to the disciples who had learnt &c tradition.' He translates agamanaw and the two following words, as relative compounds, by agama-dhari-wu, &c, and in this I have followed him. But he supplies an 'and' after the last, thus taking them as accusatives in dependence on sandhaya, and that cannot be right. It seems forced to separate ba hi ran am so much from the other genitives with which it stands in the text, and yet it is so impossible to make sense of the passage in any other way, that one would like to know the readings of all the MSS. 3 '/takkhupala and others' adds Hina/i-kumbure. (For the story of A'akkhupala, see the commentary on the Dhammapada, verse 1.) Blessed One was in the habit of taking a second, or even a third. So such, O king, of the disciples as were "eaters at one sitting" surpassed him in that particular. And in a similar way, O king, a number of different things have been told, each one of one or other of the disciples. But the Blessed One, O king, surpassed them all in respect of uprightness, and of power of meditation, and of wisdom, and of emancipation, and of that in-ight which arises out of the knowledge of emancipation, and in all that lies within the scope of a Buddha. It was with reference to that, O king, that he said :

" A Brahman am I, O brethren, devoted to selfsacrifice, pure-handed at every time ; this body that I bear with me is my last, I am the supreme Healer and Physician." 10. ' Now one man, O king, may be of good birth, and another may be wealthy, and another full of wisdom, and another well educated, and another brave, and another adroit ; but a king, surpassing all these, is reckoned supreme. Just in that way, O king, is the Blessed One the highest, the most worthy of respect, the best of all beings. And in so far as the venerable Bakkula was healthy in body, that was by reason of an aspiration (he had formed in a previous birth) 1. For, O king, when Anoma-dassi, the Blessed One, was afflicted with a disease, with wind in his stomach, and again when Vipassi, the Blessed One, and sixty-eight thousand of his disciples, were afflicted with a disease, with greenness of blood 2, he, 1 See, for other instances of such aspirations, above, vol. i, p. 5. 2 Tiwa-pupphaka-roga. There is a flower called ti#apuppha, and this may be a skin disease named after it. But pupphaka at Cataka III, 541, means blood, and the disease may

IV, 5, ii. OF MILINDA THE KING. II being at those times an ascetic, had cured that disease with various medicines, and attained (thereby) to such healthiness of body (in this life) that it was said of him : " The chief, O brethren, among those who are disciples of mine, in the matter of bodily health, is Bakkula." ii.' But the Blessed One, O king, whether he be suffering, or not suffering, from disease ; whether he have taken, or not taken, upon himself the observance be so called because the blood was turned by it to the colour of grass (tiwa). Hina/i-kumbure (who gives these legends of the previous births of Bakkula at much greater length, adding others from the time of the Buddhas Padumuttara and Kassapa, and giving the story also of his present birth) says that the disease arose from contact with wind which had been poisoned through blowing over a Upas tree (p. 296 of the Sinhalese version). But he does not explain the name of the disease, which occurs only here. In his present birth Bakkula is said to have been born at Kosambi, in a wealthy family. His mother, understanding that to bathe a new-born child in the Jumna would ensure him a long life, took him down to the river. Whilst he was there being bathed, a huge fish swallowed him. But the fish, caught at Benares, was sold to a wealthy but childless man there, and on being cut open, the babe was found in it unhurt.

The mother hearing the news of this marvel, went in great state and with haste to Benares and claimed the child. Thereupon an interesting lawsuit arose, and the king of Benares, thinking it unjust to deprive the purchaser of a fish of anything inside it, and also unjust to deprive a mother of her child, decided that the child belonged equally to both. So he became the heir of both families, and was therefore called Bak-kula, ' the two-family-one' (Bak=Ba=Dva). On the real derivation of Bakkula, see Dr. Morris in the ' Journal of the Pali Text Society,' 1886, pp. 94-99. We need not quarrel with a false etymology which shows us so clearly the origin of the legend. Then Bakkula enjoys great prosperity in the orthodox three palaces, and at eighty years of age, being still in vigorous health, enters the Order. of special vows \ — there is no being like unto the Blessed One. [217] For this, O king, has been said by the Blessed One, the god of gods, in the most excellent Sa^yutta Nikaya2 : " Whatsoever beings, O brethren, there may be — whether without feet, or bipeds, or four-footed things, whether with a body, or without a body, whether conscious or unconscious, or neither conscious nor not — the TathaQfata is acknowledged to be the chief of all, the Arahat, the Buddha Supreme."

' Very good, Nagasena ! That is so, and I accept it as you say V [Here ends the problem as to the superiority of Bakkula to the Buddha.] 1 The D hut an gas, enumerated below, p. 351 (of the Pali text). 2 Sawyutta Nikaya XLIV, 103. 3 This piece of casuistry is not so entirely at variance with the context of the second passage (quoted from the Ahguttara I, 14) as would seem at first sight. The answer practically amounts to this, that though each of many disciples may be superior to the Buddha in certain bodily qualities, or even in the special vows known as Dhutangas, yet he surpasses them in the 'weightier matters of the law.' It is true that one of the instances given, that of the /Mna-X'ahkamika, is not included in the list of Dhutangas, and in the long enumeration in the Ahguttara of those of the disciples who were ' chief in any way, ' weightier matters of the law' are not overlooked. But 'meditation on foot' is of the same nature as the acknowledged Dhutangas, and none of the five special points in which Nagasena places especially the superiority of the Buddha (uprightness, &c), is mentioned in the Ahguttara. Nevertheless the logical reply to the problem proposed would have been that in the Ahguttara the superiority spoken of is over other disciples, and not over the Buddha.

[dilemma THE FORTY-FOURTH. THE ORIGINALITY OF THE BUDDHA'S TEACHING.] 12. ' Venerable Nagasena, it has been said by the Blessed One ; " The Tathagata, O brethren, the Arahat, the Buddha supreme 1, is the discoverer of a way that was unknown 2." ' But on the other hand he said : " Now I perceived, O brethren, the ancient way, the ancient path, along which the previous Buddhas walked 2." ' If, Nagasena, the Tathagata be the discoverer of a way not previously found out, then it must be wrong that it was an ancient way that he perceived, an ancient path along which previous Buddhas walked. But if the way he perceived were an ancient way, then the statement that it was unknown must be wrong. This too is a double-edged problem, now put to you, which you have to solve.' 13. ' Both the quotations you make, O king, are accurate. And both the statements so made are correct. When the previous Tathagatas, O king, had disappeared, then, there being no teacher left, their way too disappeared. And it was that way — though then broken up, crumbled away, gone to ruin, closed in, no longer passable, quite lost to view — [218] that the Tathagata, having gained a

1 Supreme, that is, in comparison with the Pa/Weka Buddhas, ' Buddhas for themselves alone : ' whereas the ' altogether Buddha ' can not only see the truth for himself, but also persuade others of it. 2 These two quotations are from the Sa/«yutta Nikaya XXI, 58 and X, 2, 65, says Mr. Trenckner, but I cannot trace them in M. Feer's edition. thorough knowledge of it, saw by the eye of his wisdom1, (and knew it) as the way that previous Buddhas trod. And therefore is it that he said : " Now I perceived, O brethren, the ancient way, the ancient path along which previous Buddhas walked." ' And it was a way which— there being, through the disappearance of previous Tathagatas, no teacher left — was a way then broken up, crumbled away, gone to ruin, closed in, and lost to view, that the Tathagata made now passable again. And therefore is it that he said : "The Tathagata, O brethren, the Arahat, the Buddha supreme, is the discoverer of a way that was unknown." 14. ' Suppose, O king, that on the disappearance of a sovran overlord, the mystic Gem of Sovranty lay concealed in a cleft on the mountain peak, and that on another sovran overlord arriving at his supreme dignity, it should appear to him. Would you then say, O king, that the Gem was produced by him 2 ? '

' Certainly not, Sir ! The Gem would be in its original condition. But it has received, as it were, a new birth through him.' 'Just so, O king, is it that the Blessed One, gaining a thorough knowledge of it by the eye of 1 ' The wisdom arising from the perception of the Four Noble Truths ' is Hina/i-kumbure's gloss. 2 The wondrous Gem-treasure of the king of kings (the Ve/uriya, etymologically the same as beryl, but probably meaning cat's-eye) is supposed, like the other mystic treasures, to come to him of its own accord, on his becoming sovran overlord. See my ' Buddhist Suttas,' p. 256 (S. B. E., vol. xi). IV, 5, 15- 0F MILINDA THE KING. I 5 his wisdom, brought back to life and made passable again the most excellent eightfold way in its original condition as when it was walked along by the previous Tathagatas, — though that way, when there was no teacher more, had become broken up, had crumbled away, had gone to ruin, was closed in, and lost to view. And therefore is it that he said : " The Tathagata, O brethren, the Arahat, the Buddha supreme, is the discoverer of a way that was unknown."

15. 'It is, O king, as when a mother brings forth from her womb the child that is already there, and the saying is that the mother has given birth to the child. Just so, O king, did the Tathagata, having gained a thorough knowledge of it by the eye of his wisdom, bring into life, and make passable again, a way that was already there, though then broken up, crumbled away, gone to ruin, closed in, and lost to view. 1 It is as when some man or other finds a thine that has been lost, and the people use the phrase : " He has brought it back to life." [219] And it is as when a man clears away the jungle, and sets free * a piece of land, and the people use the phrase : " That is his land." But that land is not made by him. It is because he has brought the land into use that he is called the owner of the land. Just so, O king, did the Tathagata, having gained a thorough knowledge of it by the eye of his wisdom, bring back to life, and make passable again, a way that was already there, though then broken up, crumbled